Thomas Jefferson Quotes:

"The right to use a thing comprehends a right to the means necessary to its use, and without which it would be useless."

- Letter to William Carmichael, 1790. ME 8:72

"All tyranny needs to gain a foothold is for people of good conscience to remain silent."

"I know of no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them but to inform their discretion."

"Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever persuasion,
religious or political."

- First Inaugural Address, 4 March 1801

"When wrongs are pressed because it is believed they will be borne, resistance becomes morality."

"No man has a natural right to commit aggression on the equal rights of another, and this is all from which the laws ought to restrain him." 

"Every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle."

"At the establishment of our constitutions, the judiciary bodies were supposed to be the most helpless and harmless members of the government. Experience, however, soon showed in what way they were to become the most dangerous; that the insufficiency of the means provided for their removal gave them a freehold and irresponsibility in office; that their decisions, seeming to concern individual suitors only, pass silent and unheeded by the public at large; that these decisions, nevertheless, become law by precedent, sapping, by little and little, the foundations of the constitution, and working its change by construction, before any one has perceived that that invisible and helpless worm has been busily employed in consuming its substance. In truth, man is not made to be trusted for life, if secured against all liability to account."
 
- letter to Monsieur A. Coray, 31 October 1823

"The people cannot be all, & always, well informed. The part which is wrong will be discontented in proportion to the importance of the facts they misconceive. If they remain quiet under such misconceptions it is a lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public liberty. We have had 13. states independent 11. years. There has been one rebellion. That comes to one rebellion in a century & a half for each state. What country before ever existed a century & half without a rebellion? & what country can preserve it's liberties if their rulers are not warned from time to time that their people preserve the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms. The remedy is to set them right as to facts, pardon & pacify them. What signify a few lives lost in a century or two? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots & tyrants. It is it's natural manure. Our Convention has been too much impressed by the insurrection of Massachusetts: and in the spur of the moment they are setting up a kite to keep the hen-yard in order. I hope in God this article will be rectified before the new constitution is accepted."

Nov. 13, 1787 letter to William S. Smith.

"Who will govern the governors? There is only one force in the nation that can be depended upon to keep the government pure and the governors honest, and that is the people themselves. They alone, if well informed, are capable of preventing the corruption of power, and of restoring the nation to its rightful course if it should go astray. They alone are the safest depository of the ultimate powers of government."


"If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it."

"It becomes expedient for promoting the public happiness that those persons, whom nature has endowed with genius and virtue, should be rendered by liberal education worthy to receive, and
able to guard the sacred deposit of the rights and liberties of their fellow citizens; and that they should be called to that charge without regard to wealth, birth or other accidental condition or circumstance."

- Diffusion of Knowledge Bill, 1779. 

"When the government fears the People, that is Liberty. When the People fear the Government, that is tyranny."

"....The laws that forbid the carrying of arms are laws of such a nature. They disarm only those who are neither inclined nor determined to commit crimes ... Such laws make things worse for the assaulted and better for the assailants; they serve rather to encourage than to prevent homicides, for an unarmed man may be attacked with greater confidence than an armed man."

 "If the condition of man is to be progressively ameliorated, as we fondly hope and believe, education is to be the chief instrument in effecting it."

- to M. A. Jullien, 1818.

"The reason that Christianity is the best friend of government is because Christianity is the only religion in the world that deals with the heart."

"The freedom and happiness of man ... [are] the sole objects of all legitimate government."

"Rightful liberty is unobstructed action, according to our will, within limits drawn around us by the equal rights of others."

"The main objects of all science [are] the freedom and happiness of man."

- to Thaddeus Kosciusko, 1810.

"Justice is the fundamental law of society."

- to Pierre Samuel Dupont de Nemours, 1816.

"Its principles and forms had entered little into our former education. We established, however, some although not all its important principles. The constitutions of most of our States assert that all power is inherent in the people; that they may exercise it by themselves, in all cases to which they think themselves competent (as in electing their functionaries executive and legislative, and deciding by a jury of themselves, in all judiciary cases in which any fact is involved), or they may act by representatives, freely and equally chosen; that it is their right and duty to be at all times armed; that they are entitled to freedom of person, freedom of religion, freedom of property, and freedom of the press."

 

- letter to John Cartwright. [Washington ed. vii, 356. < M. 1824 >. 1728. CONSTITUTIONS (American), Characteristics of. -- JCE1728. The Modern English Collection at the University of Virginia Electronic Text Center.]

"If a nation expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be."

- to Charles Yancey, 1816.

"Dependence begets subservience and venality, suffocates the germ of virtue, and prepares fit tools for the designs of ambition."

"Natural rights [are] the objects for the protection of which society is formed and municipal laws established."

- to James Monroe, 1797

"The first foundations of the social compact would be broken up were we definitely to refuse to its members the protection of their persons and property while in their lawful pursuits."

 - to James Maury, 1812

"The Constitution on which our Union rests, shall be administered by me, as President, according to the safe and honest meaning contemplated by the plain understanding of The People of the United States at the time of its adoption -- a meaning to be found in the explanations of those who advocated, not those who opposed it - and who opposed it merely lest the construction should be applied which they denounced as possible."

"No other sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and happiness...  Preach a crusade against ignorance; establish and improve the law for educating the common people. Let our countrymen know that the people alone can protect us
against the evils [of misgovernment]."

- to George Wythe, 1786.

"Nothing is ours, which another may deprive us of."

- to Maria Cosway, 1786

"The most sacred of the duties of a government is to do equal and
impartial justice to all its citizens." 

Note in Tracy's, "Political Economy," 1816.

"I am for free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplomatic establishment.  And I am not for linking ourselves by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe, entering that field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the confederacy of Kings to war against the principles of liberty."

 - to Elbridge Gerry, 1799

"The Habeas Corpus secures every man here, alien or citizen, against everything which is not law, whatever shape it may assume."

- to A. H. Rowan, 1798

"Every government degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone. The people themselves, therefore, are its only safe depositories."

"Whereas it appeareth that however certain forms of government are better calculated than others to protect individuals in the free exercise of their natural rights, and are at the same time themselves better guarded against degeneracy, yet experience hath shewn, that even under the best forms, those entrusted with power have, in time, and by slow operations, perverted it into tyranny; and it is believed that the most effectual means of preventing this would be, to illuminate, as far as practicable, the minds of the people at large, and more especially to give them knowledge of those facts, which history exhibiteth, that, possessed thereby of the experience of other ages and countries, they may be enabled to know ambition under all its shapes, and prompt to exert their natural powers to defeat its purposes; And whereas it is generally true that that people will be happiest whose laws are best, and are best administered, and that laws will be wisely formed, and honestly administered, in proportion as those who form and administer them are wise and honest; whence it becomes expedient for promoting the publick happiness that those persons, whom nature hath endowed with genius and virtue, should be rendered by liberal education worthy to receive, and able to guard the sacred deposit of the rights and liberties of their fellow citizens, and that they should be called to that charge without regard to wealth, birth or other accidental condition or circumstance; but the indigence of the greater number disabling them from so educating, at their own expence, those of their children whom nature hath fitly formed and disposed to become useful instruments for the public, it is better that such should be sought for and educated at the common expence of all, than that the happiness of all should be confided to the weak or wicked: . . ."

- Preamble to a Bill for the More General Diffusion of Knowledge, Fall 1778 Papers 2:526--27

"The evidence of [the] natural right [of expatriation], like that of our right to life, liberty, the use of our faculties, the pursuit of happiness, is not left to the feeble and sophistical investigations of reason, but is impressed on the sense of every man. We do not claim these under the charters of kings or legislators, but under the King of Kings."

- to John Manners, 1817

"It is the will of the nation which makes the law obligatory; it is their will which vacates or annihilates the organ which is to declare and announce it." 

 - to Edmund Randolph, 1799

"We wish not to meddle with the internal affairs of any country, nor with the general affairs of Europe."

- to C. W. F. Dumas, 1793

"No government can be maintained without the principle of fear as well as duty. Good men will obey the last, but bad ones the former only. If our government ever fails, it will be from this
weakness."

- to John Wayles Eppes, 1814

"The idea is quite unfounded that on entering into society we give up any natural right."

- to Francis Gilmer, 1816

"I shall see with sincere satisfaction the progress of those sentiments which tend to restore to man all his natural rights, convinced he has no natural right in opposition to his social duties."

- Reply to Danbury Baptists, 1802

"In questions of power, then, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution."

- copy of the drafts of the Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, 1798

"I consider trial by jury as the only anchor ever yet imagined by man, by which a government can be held to the principles of its constitution."

- to Thomas Paine, 1789

"Every man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities of the society; and this is all the laws should enforce on him."

- to Francis Gilmer,1816

"Nothing is so important as that America shall separate herself from the systems of Europe, and establish one of her own.  Our circumstances, our pursuits, our interests, are distinct.  The
principles of our policy should be so also.  All entanglements with that quarter of the globe should be avoided if we mean that peace and justice shall be the polar stars of the American societies."

- to J. Correa de Serra, 1820

"When right, I shall often be thought wrong by those whose positions will not command a view of the whole ground."

"The right to use a thing comprehends a right to the means necessary to its use, and without which it would be useless."

- to William Carmichael, 1790

"I will now add what I do not like. First the omission of a bill of rights providing clearly and without the aid of sophisms for freedom of religion, freedom of the press, protection against standing armies, restriction against monopolies, the eternal and unremitting force of the habeas corpus laws, and trials by jury in all matters of fact triable by the laws of the land and not by the law of Nations. To say, as Mr. Wilson does that a bill of rights was not necessary because all is reserved in the case of the general government which is not given, while in the particular ones all is given which is not reserved might do for the Audience to whom it was addressed, but is surely gratis dictum, opposed by strong inferences from the body of the instrument, as well as from the omission of the clause of our present confederation which had declared that in express terms. It was a hard conclusion to say because there has been no uniformity among the states as to the cases triable by jury, because some have been so incautious as to abandon this mode of trial, therefore the more prudent states shall be reduced to the same level of calamity. It would have been much more just and wise to have concluded the other way that as most of the states had judiciously preserved this palladium, those who had wandered should be brought back to it, and to have established general right instead of general wrong. Let me add that a bill of rights is what the people are entitled to against every government on earth, general or particular, and what no just government should refuse, or rest on inference."

-  to James Madison, 20 Dec. 1787, Papers 12:440

"I...(am) convinced [man] has no natural right in opposition to his social duties."

- to Danbury Baptists, 1802

"Private enterprise manages so much better all the concerns to which it is equal."

- 6th Annual Message, 1806

"Being myself a warm zealot for the attainment and enjoyment by all mankind of as much liberty as each may exercise without injury to the equal liberty of his fellow citizens, I have lamented that... the endeavors to obtain this should have been attended with the effusion of so much blood."

- to Jean Nicholas Demeunier, 1795

"A strict observation of the written laws is doubtless one of the high duties of a good citizen, but it is not the highest. The laws of necessity, of self-preservation, of saving our country when in
danger, are of higher obligation. To lose our country by a scrupulous adherence to written law, would be to lost the law itself, with life, liberty, property, and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus absurdly sacrificing the end to the means."

- to John Colvin, 1810

"It is left... to the juries, if they think the permanent judges are under any bias whatever in any cause, to take on themselves to judge the law as well as the fact.  They never exercise this
power but when they suspect partiality in the judges; and by the exercise of this power they have been the firmest bulwarks of English liberty."

- to Abbe Arnond, 1789

"The merchants will manage [commerce] the better, the more they are left free to manage for themselves."

- to Gideon Granger, 1800

"The interests of a nation, when well understood, will be found to coincide with their moral duties.  Among these it is an important one to cultivate habits of peace and friendship with our neighbors. To do this we should make provisions for rendering the justice we
must sometimes require from them.  I recommend, therefore, to your consideration whether the laws of the Union should not be extended to restrain our citizens from committing acts of violence within the territories of other nations, which would be punished were they committed within our own."

- Draft, Presidential Message, 1792

"There is a debt of service due from every man to his country, proportioned to the bounties which nature and fortune have measured to him."

- to Edward Rutledge, 1796

"An equal application of law to every condition of man is fundamental." 

- to George Hay, 1807

"[Our] principles [are] founded on the immovable basis of equal right and reason."

- to James Sullivan, 1797

"Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental opinion of a day; but a series of oppressions, begun at a distinguished period, and pursued unalterably through every change of ministers, too plainly prove a deliberate systematical job of reducing us to slaves."

"The basis of our governments being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without
newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter."

- to Edward Carrington, 1787

"I acknowledge that such a debt (of service to my fellow-citizens) exists, that a tour of duty in whatever line he can be most useful to his country, is due from every individual.  It is not easy
perhaps to say of what length exactly that tour should be, but we may safely say of what length it should not be. Not of our whole life, for instance, for that would be to be born a slave - not even of a very large portion of it."

- to James Madison, 1793

"If the question [before justices of the peace] relate to any point of public liberty, or if it be one of those in which the judges may be suspected of bias, the jury undertake to decide both law and
fact."

- Notes on Virginia, 1782

"Of liberty I would say that, in the whole plenitude of its extent, it is unobstructed action according to our will. But rightful liberty is unobstructed action according to our will within limits drawn around us by the equal rights of others. I do not add 'within the limits of the law,' because law is often but the tyrant's will, and always so when it violates the right of an individual."

- to Isaac H. Tiffany, 1819

"Where the press is free, and every man able to read, all is safe."

- to Charles Yancey, 1816

"The man who loves his country on its own account, and not merely for its trappings of interest or power, can never be divorced for it, can never refuse to come forward when he finds that she is engaged in dangers which he has the means of warding off."

- to Elbridge Gerry, 1797

"No one nation has a right to sit in judgment over another."

- Opinion, 1793

"[The] best principles [of our republic] secure to all its citizens a perfect equality of rights."

- Reply to the Citizens of Wilmington, 1809

"No provision in our Constitution ought to be dearer to man than that which protects the rights of conscience against the enterprises of the civil authority."

- to New London Methodist, 1809

"Laws made by common consent must not be trampled on by individuals."

- to Col. Vanneter, 1781

"It behooves our citizens to be on their guard, to be firm in their principles, and full of confidence in themselves. We are able to preserve our self-government if we will but think so."

- to Thomas Mann Randolph, 1800

"Our liberty cannot be guarded but by the freedom of the press, nor that be limited without danger of losing it."

- to John Jay, 1786

"We are firmly convinced, and we act on that conviction, that with nations, as with individuals, our interests soundly calculated, will ever be found inseparable from our moral duties;
and history bears witness to the fact, that a just nation is taken on its word, when recourse is had to armaments and wars to bridle others."

- 2nd Inaugural Address, 1805

"The liberty of speaking and writing guards our other liberties."

- Reply to Address, 1808

"Lethargy is the forerunner of death to the public liberty."

- to William Stephens Smith, 1787

"We are bound, you, I, and every one to make common cause, even with error itself, to maintain the common right of freedom of conscience."

- to Edward Dowse, 1803

""During the course of administration, and in order to disturb it, the artillery of the press has been leveled against us, charged with whatsoever its licentiousness could devise or dare."

"I am...for freedom of the press, and against all violations of the Constitution to silence by force and not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents."

- to Elbridge Gerry, 1799

"Can the liberties of a nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these liberties are of the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with His wrath?"

- Notes on Virginia Q.XVIII, 1782

"I am entirely persuaded that the agitations of the public mind advance its powers, and that at every vibration between the points of liberty and despotism, something will be gained for the former. As men become better informed, their rulers must respect them the more."

- to Thomas Cooper, 1802

"The Declaration of Independence... [is the] declaratory charter of our rights, and of the rights of man."

- to Samuel Adams Wells, 1819

"The people of every country are the only safe guardians of their own rights, and are the only instruments which can be used for their destruction.  And certainly they would never consent to be so used were they not deceived. To avoid this they should be instructed to a certain degree."

- to John Wyche, 1809

"Considering the great importance to the public liberty of the freedom of the press, and the difficulty of submitting it to very precise rules, the laws have thought it less mischievous to give
greater scope to its freedom than to the restraint of it."

- to the Spanish Commissioners, 1793

"It behooves every man who values liberty of conscience for himself, to resist invasions of it in the case of others; or their case may, by change of circumstances, become his own.  It behooves
him, too, in his own case, to give no example of concession, betraying the common right of independent opinion, by answering questions of faith, which the laws have left between God and
himself."

- to Benjamin Rush, 1803

"[If a book were] very innocent, and one which might be confided to the reason of any man; not likely to be much read if let alone, but if persecuted, it will be generally read.  Every
man in the United States will think it a duty to buy a copy, in vindication of his right to buy and to read what he pleases."

- to N. G. Dufief, 1814

"No experiment can be more interesting than that we are now trying, and which we trust will end in establishing the fact, that man may be governed by reason and truth.  Our first object should therefore be, to leave open to him all the avenues to truth. The most effectual hitherto found, is the freedom of the press. It is, therefore, the first shut up by those who fear the investigation of their actions."

- to John Tyler, 1804

"Most [revolutions] have been [closed] by a subversion of that liberty [they were] intended to establish."

- to George Washington, 1784

"We have already given... one effectual check to the dog of war, by transferring the power of letting him loose from the Executive to the Legislative body, from those who are to spend to those who are to pay."

- to James Madison, 1789

"This formidable censor of the public functionaries (the press), by arraigning them at the tribunal of public opinion, produces reform peaceably, which must otherwise be done by revolution.  It is also the best instrument for enlightening the mind of man and improving him as a rational, moral, and social being."

- to A. Coray, 1823

"A strict observance of the written laws is doubtless one of the high duties of a good citizen, but it is not the highest.  The laws of necessity, of self-preservation, of saving our country
when in danger, are of higher obligation.  To lose our country by a scrupulous adherence to written law would be to lose the law itself, with life, liberty, property, and all those who are
enjoying them with us; thus absurdly sacrificing the end to the means." 

- to John Colvin, 1810

"In America, no other distinction between man and man had ever been known but that of persons in office exercising powers by authority of the laws, and private individuals. Among these last, the poorest laborer stood on equal ground with the wealthiest millionaire, and generally on a more favored one whenever their rights seem to jar."

- Answers to de Meusnier Questions, 1786

"The true foundation of republican government is the equal right of every citizen in his person and property and in their management."

- to Samuel Kercheval, 1816

"I may err in my measures, but never shall deflect from the intention to fortify the public liberty by every possible means, and to put it out of the power of the few to riot on the labors of the many."

- to John Tyler, 1804

"No nation however powerful, any more than an individual, can be unjust with impunity.  Sooner or later, public opinion, an instrument merely moral in the beginning, will find occasion
physically to inflict its sentences on the unjust..The lesson is useful to the weak as well as the strong."

 - to James Madison, 1804

"I believe this... the strongest government on earth.  I believe it is the only one where every man, at the call of the laws, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of
the public order as his own personal concern."

- 1st Inaugural Address, 1801

"A right to property is founded in our natural wants, in the means with which we are endowed to satisfy these wants, and the right to what we acquire by those means without violating the similar rights of other sensible beings."

- to Pierre Samuel Dupont de Nemours, 1816

"If we are made in some degree for others, yet in a greater are we made for ourselves. It were contrary to feeling and indeed ridiculous to suppose that a man had less rights in himself than one of his neighbors, or all of them put together. This would be slavery, and not that liberty which the bill of rights has made inviolable, and for the preservation of which our government has been charged."

- to James Monroe, 1782

"[Oppose] with manly firmness [any] invasions on the rights of the people." 

- Draft Virginia Constitution, 1776

"We must train and classify the whole of our male citizens, and make military instruction a regular part of collegiate education. We can never be safe till this is done.

- to James Monroe, 1813.

"Were [a right] to be refused, or to be so shackled by regulations, not necessary for... peace and safety... as to render its use impracticable,... it would then be an injury, of which we should be entitled to demand redress."

- Report on Navigation of the Mississippi, 1792

"[These are] the rights which God and the laws have given equally and independently to all."

- Rights of British America, 1774

"I think the truth must now be obvious that our people are too happy at home to enter into regular service, and that we cannot be defended but by making every citizen a soldier, as the Greeks and Romans who had no standing armies; and that in doing this all must be marshaled, classed by their ages, and every service ascribed to its competent class.

- to John Wayles Eppes, 1814.

"Taxes should be proportioned to what may be annually spared by the individual."

- to James Madison, 1784.

"The majority, oppressing an individual, is guilty of a crime, abuses its strength, and by acting on the law of the strongest breaks up the foundations of society."

"Agriculture, manufactures, commerce and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are the most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise.  Protection from casual
embarrassments, however, may sometimes be seasonably interposed."

 - 1st Annual Message, 1801.

"No one has a right to obstruct another exercising his faculties innocently for the relief of sensibilities made a part of his nature."

- to Pierre Samuel Dupont de Nemours, 1816.

"Against great land armies we cannot attempt defense but by equal armies.  For these we must depend on a classified militia, which will give us the service of the class from twenty to
twenty-six, in the nature of conscripts, comprising a body of about 250,000, to be specially trained.  This measure, attempted at a former session, was pressed at the last, and might, I think, have been carried by a small majority.  But considering that great innovations should not be forced on a slender majority, and seeing that the general opinion is sensibly rallying to it, it was thought better to let it lie over to the next session, when, I trust, it will be passed."

- to John Armstrong, 1808

"I would rather be exposed to the inconveniences attending too much liberty than to those attending too small a degree of it."

- to Archibald Stuart, 1791

"Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, and to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise." 

- to James Madison, 1785

"It had become an universal and almost uncontroverted position in the several States, that the purposes of society do not require a surrender of all our rights to our ordinary governors; that there are certain portions of right not necessary to enable them to carry on an effective government, and which experience has nevertheless proved they will be constantly encroaching on, if submitted to them; that there are also certain fences which experience has proved peculiarly efficacious against wrong, and rarely obstructive of right, which yet the governing powers have ever shown a disposition to weaken and remove. Of the first kind, for instance, is freedom of religion; of the second, trial by jury, habeas corpus laws, free presses."

- to Noah Webster, 1790

"In the beginning of our government we were willing to introduce the least coercion possible on the will of the citizen.  Hence a system of military duty was established too indulgent to his
indolence.  This [War of 1812] is the first opportunity we have had of trying it, and it has completely failed; an issue foreseen by many, and for which remedies have been proposed.  That of classing the militia according to age, and allotting each age to the particular kind of service to which it was competent, was proposed to Congress in 1805, and subsequently; and, on the last
trial, was lost, I believe, by a single vote.  Had it prevailed, what has now happened would not have happened.  Instead of burning our Capitol, we should have possessed theirs in Montreal
and Quebec.  We must now adopt it, and all will be safe."

- to Thomas Cooper, 1814

"The policy of the American government is to leave their citizens free, neither restraining nor aiding them in their pursuits."

- to M. L'Hommande, 1787

"The rich alone use imported articles, and on these alone the whole taxes of the General Government are levied...Our revenues liberated by the discharge of the public debt, and its surplus applied to canals, roads, schools, etc., the farmer will see his government supported, his children educated, and the face of his country made a paradise by the contributions of the rich
alone, without his being called on to spend a cent from his earnings."

- to Thaddeus Kosciusko, 1811.

"Man [is] a rational animal, endowed by nature with rights and with an innate sense of justice."

- to William Johnson, 1823

"'In the state of nature, indeed, all men are born equal; but they cannot continue in this equality. Society makes them lose it, and they recover it only by the protection of the laws.'"

- copied into his Commonplace Book from [Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, VIII,c.3:]

"The spirit of the times may alter, will alter. Our rulers will become corrupt, our people careless. A single zealot may commence persecutor, and better men be his victims. It can never be too often repeated that the time for fixing every essential right on a legal basis is while our rulers are honest and ourselves united. From the conclusion of [their] war [for independence, a nation begins] going down hill. It will not then be necessary to resort every moment to the people for support. They will be forgotten, therefore, and their rights disregarded. They will forget themselves but in the sole faculty of making money, and will never think of uniting to effect a due respect for their rights. The shackles, therefore, which shall not be knocked off at the conclusion of [that] war will remain on [them] long, will be made heavier and heavier, till [their] rights shall revive or expire in a convulsion."

- Notes on Virginia Q.XVII, 1782

"That liberty [is pure] which is to go to all, and not to the few or the rich alone."

- to Horatio Gates, 1798

"The most effectual means of preventing the perversion of power into tyranny are to illuminate, as far as practicable, the minds of the people at large, and more especially to give them knowledge of those facts which history exhibits, that possessed thereby of the experience of other ages and countries, they may be enabled to know ambition under all its shapes, and prompt to exert their natural powers to defeat its purposes."

- Diffusion of Knowledge Bill, 1779

"Our citizens may be deceived for awhile, and have been deceived; but as long as the presses can be protected, we may trust to them for light."

- to Archibald Stuart. 1799

"The rights of the people to the exercise and fruits of their own industry can never be protected against the selfishness of rulers not subject to their control at short periods."

- to Isaac H. Tiffany, 1816

"Most codes extend their definitions of treason to acts not really against one's country.  They do not distinguish between acts against the government, and acts against the oppressions of the
government. The latter are virtues, yet have furnished more victims to the executioner than the former. Real treasons are rare; oppressions frequent. The unsuccessful strugglers against 
tyranny have been the chief martyrs of treason laws in all countries."

- Report on Spanish Convention, 1792

"The poor who have neither property, friends, nor strength to labor, are boarded in the houses of good farmers, to whom a stipulated sum is annually paid.  To those who are able to help
themselves a little, or have friends from whom they derive some succor, inadequate however to their full maintenance, supplementary aids are given which enable them to live comfortably in their own houses, or in the houses of their friends.

- Notes on Virginia, 1782

"[Ours is a] policy of not embarking the public in enterprises better managed by individuals, and which might occupy as much of our time as those political duties for which the public
functionaries are particularly instituted.  Some money could be lent them [the New Orleans Canal Co.], but only on an assurance that it would be employed so as to secure the public objects."

- to W. C. C. Claiborne, 1808

 "Time indeed changes manners and notions, and so far we must expect institutions to bend to them.  But time produces also corruption of principles, and against this it is the duty of good
citizens to be ever on the watch, and if the gangrene is to prevail at last, let the day be kept off as long as possible."

- to Spencer Roane, 1821

"Our wish is that...there be maintained that state of property, equal or unequal, which results to every man from his own industry or that of his fathers."

- 2nd Inaugural Address, 1805

"A right to property is founded in our natural wants, in the means with which we are endowed to satisfy these wants, and the right to what we acquire by those means without violating the similar rights of other sensible beings."

- to Pierre Samuel Dupont de Nemours, 1816

"Every government degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone.  The people themselves, therefore, are its only safe depositories.  And to render even them safe, their minds must be improved to a certain degree."

- Notes on Virginia, 1782

"The time to guard against corruption and tyranny is before they shall have gotten hold of us.  It is better to keep the wolf out of the fold, than to trust to drawing his teeth and talons after he 
shall have entered."

- Notes on Virginia, 1782

"The ground of liberty is to be gained by inches, [and] we must be contented to secure what we can get from time to time and eternally press forward for what is yet to get. It takes time to persuade men to do even what is for their own good."

- to Charles Clay, 1790

"To take from one because it is thought that his own industry and that of his father's has acquired too much, in order to spare to others, who, or whose fathers have not exercised equal industry and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the first principle of association--the guarantee to every one of a free exercise of his industry and the fruits acquired by it."

- Note in Tracy's "Political Economy," 1816

"The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately by the grace of God." 

- to Roger C. Weightman, 1826

"I hope we shall... crush in its birth the aristocracy of our moneyed corporations, which dare already to challenge our government to a trial of strength and bid defiance to the laws of
our country." 

- to George Logan, 1816

"Educate and inform the whole mass of the people.  Enable them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace and order, and they will preserve them.  And it requires no very high degree of
education to convince them of this.  They are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty." 

- to James Madison, 1787

"A single good government becomes...a blessing to the whole earth, its welcome to the oppressed restraining within certain limits the measure of their oppressions.  But should even this be
counteracted by violence on the right of expatriation, the other branch of our example then presents itself for imitation: to rise on their rulers and do as we have done."

- to George Flower, 1817

"Under the law of nature, all men are born free, every one comes into the world with a right to his own person, which includes the liberty of moving and using it at his own will. This is what is called personal liberty, and is given him by the Author of nature, because necessary for his own sustenance."

- Legal Argument, 1770

"Whenever there are in any country uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right."

- to James Madison, 1785

"A first attempt to recover the right of self government may fail, so may a second, a third, etc.  But as a younger and more instructed race comes on, the sentiment becomes more and more
intuitive, and a fourth, a fifth, or some subsequent one of the ever renewed attempts will ultimately succeed..To attain all this, however, rivers of blood must yet flow, and years of desolation pass over; yet the object is worth rivers of blood and years of desolation. For what inheritance so valuable can man leave to his posterity?"

- to John Adams, 1823

"Instead of that liberty which takes root and growth in the progress of reason, if recovered by mere force or accident, it becomes with an unprepared people a tyranny still of the many, the few, or the one."

- to Lafayette, 1815

"Whenever the people are well-informed, they can be trusted with their own government." 

- to Richard Price, 1789

"A government regulating itself by what is wise and just for the many, uninfluenced by the local and selfish views of the few who direct their affairs, has not been seen, perhaps, on earth.  Or if
it existed for a moment at the birth of ours, it would not be easy to fix the term of its continuance.  Still, I believe it does exist here in a greater degree than anywhere else; and for its growth and continuance...I offer sincere prayers."

- to William H. Crawford, 1816

"The selfish spirit of commerce knows no country, and feels no passion or principle but that of gain." 

- to Larkin Smith, 1809

"By nature's law, every man has a right to seize and retake by force his own property taken from him by another, by force of fraud.  Nor is this natural right among the first which is taken 
into the hands of regular government after it is instituted.  It was long retained by our ancestors.  It was a part of their common law, laid down in their books, recognized by all the authorities, and regulated as to circumstances of practice."

- Batture Case, 1812

"The principles on which we engaged, of which the charter of our independence is the record, were sanctioned by the laws of our being, and we but obeyed them in pursuing undeviatingly the course they called for. It issued finally in that inestimable state of freedom which alone can ensure to man the enjoyment of his equal rights."

- to Georgetown Republicans, 1809

"In a government bottomed on the will of all, the life and liberty of every individual citizen becomes interesting to all."

- 5th Annual Message, 1805

"May [our Declaration of Independence] be to the world, what I believe it will be (to some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to all), the signal of arousing men to burst the chains 
under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self-government...All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man."

- to Roger C. Weightman, 1826

"A system of general instruction, which shall reach every description of our citizens from the richest to the poorest, as it was the earliest, so will it be the latest of all the public concerns in which I shall permit myself to take an interest."

- to Joseph C. Cabell, 1818

"Whenever things get so far wrong as to attract their notice, the people, if well informed, may be relied on to set them to rights."

- to Richard Price, 1789

"The flames kindled on the Fourth of July, 1776, have spread over too much of the globe to be extinguished by the feeble engines of despotism; on the contrary, they will consume these engines and all who work them."

- to John Adams, 1821

"It is a moot question whether the origin of any kind of property is derived from nature at all... It is agreed by those who have seriously considered the subject that no individual has, of natural right, a separate property in an acre of land, for instance. By an universal law, indeed, whatever, whether fixed or movable, belongs to all men equally and in common is the property for the moment of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation, the property goes with it. Stable ownership is the gift of social law, and is given late in the progress of society."

- to Isaac McPherson, 1813

"The tax which will be paid for [the] purpose [of education] is not more than the thousandth part of what will be paid to kings, priests and nobles who will rise up among us if we leave the
people in ignorance."

- to George Wythe, 1786

"No right [should] be stipulated for aliens to hold real property within these States, this being utterly inadmissible by their several laws and policy."

- Commercial Treaties Instructions, 1784

"Our rulers can have authority over such natural rights only as we have submitted to them."

- Notes on Virginia Q.XVII, 1782

"It is a moot question whether the origin of any kind of property is derived from nature at all.  It is agreed by those who have seriously considered the subject that no individual has, of natural
right, a separate property in an acre of land, for instance.  By a universal law, indeed, whatever, whether fixed or movable, belongs to all men equally and in common is the property for the moment of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation, the property goes with it. Stable ownership is the gift of social law, and is given late in the progress of society."

- to Isaac McPherson, 1813

"Nature has wisely provided an aristocracy of virtue and talent for the direction of the interest of society, and scattered it with equal hand through all its conditions."

- Autobiography, 1821

"Whenever there is in any country uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right."

- to James Madison, 1785

"Some other natural rights... [have] not yet entered into any declaration of rights."

- to John W. Eppes, 1813

"The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbour to say there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg."

- Notes on the State of Virginia, Query 17, 1782

Also See:

God and Jefferson

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