More Quotes VIII
"Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd many miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day; there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all huddled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we were not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry. The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and his companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain."
- Benjamin Franklin, The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, 1771-1788 - Pg. 146.
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"...All property, indeed, except the savage's temporary cabin, his bow, his match coat, and other little acquisitions absolutely necessary for his subsistence, seems to me the creature of public convention. Hence the public has the right of regulating descents and all other conveyances of property, and even of limiting the quantity and uses of it. All the property that is necessary to a man for the conservation of the individual and the propagation of the species is his natural right, which none can justly deprive him of; but all property superfluous to such purposes is the property of the public, who by their laws have created it, and who may, therefore, by other laws, dispose of it whenever the welfare of the public shall demand such disposition. He that does not like civil society on these terms, let him retire and live among savages. He can have no right to the benefits of society who will not pay his club towards the support of it...."
- Benjamin Franklin, Dec. 25, 1783 letter to Robert(?) Morris. [The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Volume 6.]
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"You will have heard before this reaches you of the Commencement of a Civil War; the End of it perhaps neither myself, nor you, who are much younger, may live to see.(1) I find here all Ranks of People in Arms, disciplining themselves Morning & Evening, and am informed that the firmest Union prevails through -out North America; New York as hearty as any of the rest. I purpose to communicate to you from time to time the most authentic Intelligence I can collect here, and hope to hear frequently from you in the same Way."
- Benjamin Franklin, May 8. 1775 letter to David Hartley. [Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 1]
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Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 1
Benjamin Franklin to Silas Deane
Dear Sir, Philada Augt. 27. 1775. I am much oblig'd by your Favour of the 13th Inst. Mr [William] Goddard, Riding Surveyor to the (',en. Post Office is gone to the Southward, for Settling the new Post-Offices all along to Georgia. Mr [Richard] Bache, the Comptroller, is to set out next Week Northward on the same Business, who will take with him Directions from me to establish all the Officers in your Government that you recommend and the new Offices and Stages that appear likely to support themselves.
I am glad to hear that the Gunsmith's Business goes on so well with you. We make great Progress on it here; but the Price is high. If we would acquire that Manufacture in Perfection, it must be by assuring the Workmen of a large Demand, for a Number of Years, and at a Price certain. Then they will be encourag'd to bring up Apprentices for different Parts of the Work, and also to make Tools and Machines for facilitating & expediting it, such as Fuages for Lock Plates & Cocks Mills for grinding and boring the Barrels, &c. Those bred to Parts of the Work only, will dispatch more and do it better. And then I am confident Arms may be made as good and as cheap in America as in any Part of the World. I intend therefore to propose to our Assembly to give that Encouragement here, by engaging to take 2000 Muskets per Annum for Ten Years, at a good Price, which I doubt not will in that time establish the Manufacture among us; and an Arsenal with 20,000 good Firelocks in it, will be no bad thing for the Colony. As the Numbers of People are continually increasing, we can never be long overstock'd with the Article of Arms. And I wish the Congress may think fit to recommend the same Project to the other Colonies.
I congratulate you on the plentiful Year with you as well as with us. It makes one smile to see in the English Papers, the Ignorance of some of their Political Writers, who fancy we cannot continue the Non Importation Agreement; because if we do it must starve us.
I lament with you the Want of a naval Force. I hope the next Winter will be employ'd in forming one. When we are no longer fascinated with the Idea of a Speedy Reconciliation, we shall exert ourselves to some purpose. 'Till then Things will be done by Halves.
Those you mention who seem frightened at finding themselves where they are, will by degrees recover Spirits when they find by Experience how inefficient merely mercenary the regular Troops are, when oppos'd to Freeholders & Freemen, fighting for their Liberties & Properties. A Country of such People was never yet conquer'd, (unless through their own Divisions) by any absolute Monarch and his Mercenaries. But such States have often conquer'd Monarchies, and led mighty Princes captive in Triumph.
I shall be curious to hear more Particulars of your new mechanical Genius. A Mr Belton who I fancy comes from your Province & is now here has propos'd something of the kind to us; but is not much attended to.
With great Esteem, I am Sir, Your most obedient humble Servan B Franklin
RC (Mrs. Wharton Sinkler, Philadelphia, Pa., 1974) .
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The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Volume 2
Franklin to Samuel Cooper.*[Note *: * 6 Bigelow's Franklin, 96.]
Paris, May 1, 1777.
I thank you for your kind congratulations on my safe arrival here and for your good wishes. I am, as you supposed treated with great civility and respect by all orders of people; but it gives me still greater satisfaction to find that our being here is of some use to our country. On that head I can not be more explicit at present.
I rejoice with you in the happy change of affairs in America last winter. I hope the same train of success will continue through the summer. Our enemies are disappointed in the number of additional troops they purpose to send over. What they have been able to muster will not probably recruit their army to the state it was in the beginning of last campaign; and ours, I hope, will be equally numerous, better armed, and better clothed than they have been heretofore.
All Europe is on our side of the question, as far as applause and good wishes can carry them. Those who live under arbitrary power do nevertheless approve of liberty, and wish for it; they almost despair of recovering it in Europe; they read the translations of our separate colony constitutions with rapture, and there are such numbers everywhere who talk of removing to America with their families and fortunes as soon as peace and our independence shall be established, that it is generally believed we shall have a prodigious addition of strength, wealth, and arts, from the emigration of Europe; and it is thought that to lessen or prevent such emigrations the tyrannies established there must relax and allow more liberty to their people. Hence it is a common observation here that our cause is the cause of all mankind, and that we are fighting for their liberty in defending our own. It is a glorious task assigned us by Providence, which has, I trust, given us spirit and virtue equal to it, and will at last crown it with success.
I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
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The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Vol. 6
Franklin to Thomson.*[Note *: * 10 Sparks' Franklin, 87; 8 Bigelow's Franklin, 492.]Passy, May 13, 1784
“....Thus the great and hazardous enterprise we have been engaged in, is, God be praised, happily completed; an event I hardly expected I should live to see. A few years of peace, well improved, will restore and increase our strength; but our future safety will depend on our union and our virtue. Britain will be long watching for advantages to recover what she has lost. If we do not convince the world that we are a nation to be depended on for fidelity in treaties, if we appear negligent in paying our debts, and ungrateful to those who have served and befriended us, our reputation and all the strength it is capable of procuring will be lost, and fresh attacks upon us will be encouraged and promoted by better prospects of success. Let us, therefore, beware of being lulled into a dangerous security, and of being both enervated and impoverished by luxury; of being weakened by internal contentions and divisions; of being shamefully extravagant in contracting private debts, while we are backward in discharging honorably those of the public; of neglect in military exercises and discipline, and in providing stores of arms and munitions of war to be ready on occasion; for all these are circumstances that give confidence to enemies and diffidence to friends; and the expenses required to prevent a war are much lighter than those that will, if not prevented, be absolutely necessary to maintain it....”
...With great esteem, I am ever yours, &c.,
B. Franklin.
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"[The disarming of citizens] has a double effect, it palsies the hand and brutalizes the mind: a habitual disuse of physical forces totally destroys the moral [force]; and men lose at once the power of protecting themselves, and of discerning the cause of their oppression."
- Joel Barlow, "Advice to the Privileged Orders", 1792-93.
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“It was, he said, a chimerical idea to suppose that a country like this could ever be enslaved. How is an army for that purpose to be obtained from the freemen of the United States? They certainly, said he, will know to what object it is to be applied. Is it possible, he asked, that an army could be raised for the purpose of enslaving themselves and their brethren? or, if raised, whether they could subdue a nation of freemen, who know how to prize liberty, and who have arms in their hands?”
- Theodore Sedgwick, Jan., 1788. The Debates in the Several State Conventions, (MASSACHUSETTS), on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution [Elliot's Debates, Volume 2]
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- Journals of the Continental Congress, Aug. 20, 1782. "The report in regard to fisheries" was entered only in the manuscript Secret Journal.
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"United we are strong, divided we fall."
- John Marshall, The Debates in the Several State Conventions, (Virginia), on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution [Elliot's Debates, Volume 3] June 16, 1788.
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The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 [Farrand's Records, Volume 1]
YATES Monday, June 25th, 1787.“...Mason--The Executive negatives both Brs of the Legislatr and each Br. has a negative on the other--and the Genl. Gov. have a neg. on the State Legislature--these regulations are necessary on the principles of self Defence--it is an instinctive principle in nature, and in a proper degree every being professes this power. If the State Legislatures are deprived of the Election of the 2d. or 1st Br. of the natil. Legislature the States are destitute of this principle of self protection--I wish them to continue & I shall not agree to deprive them of the power of a constitutional self Protection--27”
[Note 27: 27 [Endorsed:] 25 June | Shall the Senators be elected | by the State Legislatures | Wilson no | Ellsworth aye | Mason aye]
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“...Our greatest Enemies are within ourselves & not among those Men who oppose us by Arms or who honestly & openly profess themselves averse from our measures & politics. You would be astonished were you here to see the number & influence of the property Men. I call them so because almost every Man of them were the most Vigorous in opposing the measures of the British Ministry until they perceived that opposition, proceeding to a serious War, then fear of the Loss of Life & Estate shocked their faith. they wished to remain neuter, they still acknowledged that America had been greatly aggreived but withdrew from the Councils & Society of their former Colleagues under pretences, some that Independence had been declared too soon, others that it had never been their design to be Independent. A few such we have in Carolina, observe them, they are Men of property called sensible & good Sort of Men. They are cunning Men, & their cunning is exceedingly baneful to a cause which in their hearts they wish well. If we lose that Cause it will be the effect of their timidity & their pernicious examples. Whether their wishes to enjoy their Estates in quiet will succeed I know not-I rather beleive they will drag a few years of life through painful reproaches & reflections- but I say, Such Men in this State & that of New York abound-& unless the progress of Burgoyne & his junction with Sir William Howe is Speedily prevented they will have room to expand to join the Enemy & to reduce the friends of Freedom to the utmost hazards & difficulties. . . . .These extraordinary circumstances hurt a few people, I am one among the hurt, but they by no means threaten immediate ruin to America, yet from them these property Men denounce our destruction & are very industrious to impress the minds of weak people with the most direful apprehensions. Some Steps have been taken by the Executive power to remove such Men from the Capital, weak & feeble attempts & hitherto without any good effect. We are not yet Sufficiently distressed to make us Sufficiently in earnest. An old friend of mine now a rigid Tory, complained to me of the friends of Liberty who had on the 4 July broke the Glass Windows of such quiet people as had refused to illuminate their Houses upon that anniversary. In reply I expressed my concern for the ill timed destruction of Glass and added for his consolation, that he might depend upon this as a type of broken bones to that Glass unless they soon reformed or removed out of the Country.”
- Henry Laurens to John Lewis Gervais, 5th August 1777. [Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 7 May 1, 1777 - September 18, 1777.]
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“The Government of the United States is emphatically a government of written laws. The statutes should, therefore, as far as practicable, not only be made accessible to all, but be expressed in language so plain and simple as to be understood by all, and arranged in such method as to give perspicuity to every subject.”
- President Millard Fillmore, Washington, Dec. 2, 1851, Message to U.S. Senate. [Journal of the Senate of the United States of America, 1789-1873.]
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“...If any number of the prize Arms are not yet come forward, you ought to draw for your State, in proportion to the number of Battalions to be raised in the four Eastern States. It has heretofore been a practice to hire Arms for the Campaign; but I lately desired Govr. Trumbull to purchase all the good ones he could find in the Government, for the Continental use, and I think if active persons were employed to go thro' the Country, as many might be procured, as, with what you already have, would nearly compleat your Regiments.”
- George Washington to Samuel H. Parsons, February 18, 1777. [The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor].
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“...We must not shut our eyes to the nature of man, nor to the light of experience. Who would rely on a fair decision from three individuals if two had an interest in the case opposed to the rights of the third? Make the number as great as you please, the impartiality will not be increased, nor any further security against justice be obtained, than what may result from the greater difficulty of uniting the wills of a greater number.
“In all Govts. there is a power which is capable of oppressive exercise. In Monarchies and Aristocracies oppression proceeds from a want of sympathy & responsibility in the Govt. towards the people. In popular Governments the danger lies in an undue sympathy among individuals composing a majority, and a want of responsibility in the majority to the minority. The characteristic excellence of the political System of the U. S. arises from a distribution and organization of its powers, which at the same time that they secure the dependence of the Govt. on the will of the nation, provides better guards than are found in any other popular Govt. against interested combinations of a Majority against the rights of a Minority.”
- James Madison: Note to his Speech on the Right of Suffrage. [The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, Farrand's Records, Volume 3, CCCXLII.]
**********“...We Sincerely wish, that all our Citizens were well armed; and, to press the Necessity thereof on our fellow Citizens. The Predatory war, which we may apprehend hereafter, if hostilities shall continue, will require, every where vigilence, readiness and vigor. We are convinced, that So far as the first, and last can avail, our Country will be Safe while you preside over her, but, without Arms, our virtue and vigilence can not avail much. We wish it to be thought an object of the highest Consequence to Supply them....”
- North Carolina Delegates to Richard Caswell, July 15th. 1779. [Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 13 June 1, 1779 - September 30, 1779.]
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"Every citizen is, from the nature of our social organization, a part of the public defense; and he is also, in the last resort, in common with his fellow-citizens, the safeguard of the liberties of all against the government itself. Thus it is that amendments to the Constitutionof the United States have provided that "the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." It seems indispensable to the accomplishment of the objects referred to that every citizen should be armed..."
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- John C. Edwards, Secretary of State, 11/15/1833. 'Military Affairs', Application of Missouri for the establishment of a depot of arms near the northwestern boundry of that state.
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Journals of the Continental Congress,
“...That it will appear by the constitutions and other publick acts of the several states, that the citizens of the United States possessed of arms, possessed of freedom, possessed of political power to create and direct their magistrates as they think proper, are united in their determinations to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of liberty, by supporting the independence of their governments, and observing their treaties and publick engagements with immoveable firmness and fidelity. And the Congress assure his Majesty, that should any individual in America be found base enough to show the least disposition for persuading the people to the contrary, such individual would instantly lose all power of effecting his purpose, by forfeiting the esteem and confidence of the people.1
[Note 1: 1 This report, in the writing of Thomas Burke, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 25, I, 181. A copy in Thomson's hand is on folio 189. It was entered only in the manuscript Secret Journal, Foreign Affairs. It is printed in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution (Wharton) III, 485.]”
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Journals of the Continental Congress,
“...Resolved, That all such Officers, Soldiers and others above mentioned who have lost or shall lose their arms, accoutrements, blankets or necessary cloathing (the same being private property, and not furnished at the expence of the United States) either by being themselves taken captive, or wounded in battle, or by any other inevitable accident, without any fault or negligence of their own, the same so appearing by the certificate of their Commanding Officer then present: shall be allowed for the articles aforesaid so lost what the same were or may be reasonably worth when lost: provided that no allowance shall be made for any of the articles aforesaid which shall be alleged to have been stolen: Such allowances, in the cases of officers and soldiers remaining in the army, to be adjusted by the Auditors of accounts with the army, or any detachments thereof, and paid out of the military chest; and in other cases either by those Auditors, or by the Governments of the respective States to which such sufferers did or shall belong when such losses happened or shall happen, in such manner as the governments shall direct: Such allowances in the former of these two cases to be paid as above directed out of the military chest, and in the latter out of the respective State Treasuries, and charged to the United States....”
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“But as states are a collection of individual men, which ought we to respect most, the rights of the people composing them, or of the artificial beings resulting from the composition? Nothing could be more preposterous or absurd than to sacrifice the former to the latter.”
- Alexander Hamilton, [The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution, Friday, June 29. [Elliot's Debates, Volume 5]
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Dear Sir York-Town May 27th 1778 Your favor of the 21st came safe to hand, together with the extracts of Colo. Piper's & Councillor Urie's Letters.
It may be well to make examples of some of the most wicked of the prisoners in Bedford as soon as practicable, but when I reflect on the Savages having scalped eleven women & children within five miles of the town of Bedford; that the people must be all in arms; that these criminals might escape for want of testimony or the Attorney General's presence, who cannot well bear the expence of so long a journey without some salary; that before a Precept could be sent to the Sheriff of that county, and the legal time for summoning Jurors &c being allowed, we should be in the beginning of harvest, with the court; and more especially that in great probability the Enemy may soon evacuate Philadelphia, which happening will require me immediately to resign my seat in Congress and to repair thither, as there will be an absolute necessity for a Judge on the Spot; I say, Sir, when I consider these things I am rather of opinion it would be adviseable to defer holding a court there yet.(1) As there will no doubt many more of these wretches be made prisoners, it would be as well in my judgment, to prevent the expence of two courts within perhaps two months, & try them all at once. If you think differently from me about holding the court in Bedford at this time, be so good to mention it to Mr. Atlee, who can write a Precept & sign it, and afterwards send it to me; he may fix any day for holding the court that he thinks proper, it will be agreeable to me.
I condole with poor Mrs. Wharton on the death of the President.(3) There is nothing new here. Jo. Bone will be executed to day in pursuance of your Warrant.(3) Why did not the General Assembly choose a new President?
I am, dear Sir, with great regard, Your most obedient servant,
Thos M:Kean
RC (NN)
1 For a second letter Pennsylvania Chief Justice McKean directed to Vice President Bryan this day on the subject of various legal questions that had recently been laid before him, see Pa. Archives, 1st ser. 6:555.
2 For the funeral of Pennsylvania Council President Thomas Wharton, who died on May 23 after a brief illness, see Pa. Council Minutes, 11:498-500.
3 For the Pennsylvania Council's warrant ordering the execution of Joseph Bone, who had been convicted of "Felony & Burglary," see ibid., p. 490.
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...At a Board of War Jany. 31st. 1777
Agreed to Report to Congress the following Resolution, that of Yesterday on the same subject being recommitted.
That the several Councils of Safety, Governors, or Legislatures of the respective States, take the most effectual Steps to collect from the Inhabitants, not in actual Service, all Continental Arms, and give Notice of the Numbers they have so collected to General Washington.
That all Arms and Accoutrements belonging to the United States shall be stamped and marked with the Letters U: States. All Arms already made or purchased to be stamped on such Parts as will bear the Impression, and those to be hereafter manufactured to be stamped with the said Letters on every Part composing the Stand; and all Arms or Accoutrements so stamped or marked, shall be taken wherever found for the Use of the States, except they shall be in the Hands of those actually in Continental Service. That it be recommended to the Legislatures of the several States to make proper Laws for the punishment of those who shall unlawfully take, secret, refuse, or designedly neglect to deliver any Continental Arms or Accoutrements which they may have in their Possession.1
[Note 1: 1 This report is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 147, I, folio 61. It was read February 1, 1777.]
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“...As I have in many of my late Letters, mentioned the distress that the Continent in general is under for the want of Arms, I need only repeat to you the Necessity that there is for making a Collection of the Public Arms and purchasing such as can be obtained from private Persons: Some time ago General Schuyler wrote to me and informed me, that there were a great Number of Arms returned into the Stores at Albany wanting repair; I directed that they should be sent down to the most convenient place for that purpose, but perhaps that may not yet have been done. You will therefore please to make enquiry into the Matter and if they remain there, order three or four hundred Stand of them over, have them repaired and put into the Hands of the Troops....”
George Washington to Jonathan Trumbull, March 3, 1777. [The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.]
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“While we anxiously wish for peace we see no other road to it but such as our arms invent for us.”
- Robert R. Livingston to John Jay, 10th Feb. 1780, Letters of Delegates to Congress: Vol.: 14. [A Century of Lawmaking for a New Nation: U.S. Congressional Documents and Debates, 1774-1875.]
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“He could not but regard an indefinite power to negative legislative acts of the states as absolutely necessary to a perfect system. Experience had evinced a constant tendency in the states to encroach on the federal authority; to violate national treaties; to infringe the rights and interests of each other; to oppress the weaker party within their respective jurisdictions. A negative was the mildest expedient that could be devised for preventing these mischiefs. The existence of such a check would prevent attempts to commit them. Should no such precaution be engrafted, the only remedy would be in an appeal to coercion. Was such a remedy eligible? Was it practicable? Could the national resources, if exerted to the utmost, enforce a national decree against Massachusetts, abetted, perhaps, by several of her neighbors? It would not be possible. A small proportion of the community, in a compact situation, acting on the defensive, and at one of its extremities, might at any time bid defiance to the national authority. Any government for the United States, formed on the supposed practicability of using force against the unconstitutional proceedings of the states, would prove as visionary and fallacious as the government of Congress. The negative would render the use of force unnecessary. The states could of themselves pass no operative act, any more than one branch of a legislature, where there are two branches, can proceed without the other. But, in order to give the negative this efficacy, it must extend to all cases. A discrimination would only be a fresh source of contention between the two authorities. In a word, to recur to the illustrations borrowed from the planetary system, this prerogative of the general government is the great pervading principle that must control the centrifugal tendency of the states; which, without it, will continually fly out of their proper orbits, and destroy the order and harmony of the political system.”
- James Madison, The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution [Elliot's Debates, Volume 5] Friday, June 8.
"People here almost universally agree with you . . . that the Moment we determin'd to defend ourselves by Arms against the most injurious Violence of Britain we declar'd for Independence."
- Samuel Cooper, Letter to Samuel Adams, April 18, 1776. [Letters of Delegates to Congress: Vol.: 3 January 1, 1776 - May 15, 1776. Samuel Adams to Samuel Cooper April 30 1776 – footnote.]
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George Washington to Massachusetts Assembly, January 13, 1776
Cambridge, January 13, 1776.
Gentn: It is exceedingly painful to me, to give you so much trouble as I have, and am like to do, in the support of our Lines and arrangement of the New Army. But my difficulties, must in their consequences, devolve trouble on you.
To my very great surprize, I find that the whole number of Arms, which have been stopped from the discharged Soldiers, amount to no more than 1620; and of that number, no more than 120 are in store, the rest being redelivered to the Recruits which have come in. I also find, from the Report of the recruiting officers, that few Men are to be Inlisted, who have Arms in their hands, and that they are reduced to the Alternative, of either getting no Men, or Men without Arms. Unhappy Situation; what is to be done, unless these Governments will exert themselves in providing Arms from the Several Towns, or in such other manner, as to them shall seem speedy and effectual.
To account for this great deficiency, would be tedious and not much to the purpose,-- Suffice it generally to say, that it has arisen from two causes;--the badness of the Arms of the old Army, which the Inspectors and Valuers of, did not think fit to detain; and to the disobedient Regiments, which in spite of every order I could Issue to the Contrary, (even to solemn threat of stopping the pay for the Months of November and December, of all those who should carry away their Arms) have, in a manner by stealth borne them away.
I am glad to hear, by a Gentn. of your Honble. Body, who does me the Honor to be the bearer of this Letter, that you have for sometime past been Collecting Arms at Watertown, whilst a good deal of dispatch has been used in making them elsewhere. I beg to know how many I can rely upon, as the recruits now coing in from the Country, will be useless without. It is to no purpose I find, to depend upon Imported Arms; what you can furnish, I must take in behalf of the Continent, and will upon Notice, send some Gentleman to receive them. Will it be prudent to apply to such of the Militia, as are going away, for their Arms? leaving It optional in them, cannot be amiss, but will the Necessity of the case Justify the policy of detaining them; I ask for Information. being with great truth etc.
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“But, however novel it might appear, the principle of it, when viewed with a close and steady eye, is right. There is no instance in which the laws say that the individual should he bound in one ease, and at liberty to judge whether he will obey or disobey in another. The eases are parallel. Abuses of the power over the individual persons may happen, as well as over the individual states. Federal liberty is to the states what civil liberty is to private individuals; and states are not more unwilling to purchase it, by the necessary concession of their political sovereignty, than the savage is to purchase civil liberty by the surrender of the personal sovereignty which he enjoys in a state of nature, A definition of the cases in which the negative should be exercised is impracticable. A discretion must be left on one side or the other. Will it not be most safely lodged on the side of the national government? Among the first sentiments expressed in the first Congress, one was, that Virginia is no more, that Massachusetts is no more, that Pennsylvania is no more, &c.;--we are now one nation of brethren;--we must bury all local interests and distinctions. This language continued for some time. The tables at length began to turn. No sooner were the state governments formed than their jealousy and ambition began to display themselves. Each endeavored to cut a shoe from the common loaf, to add to its own morsel; till at length the Confederation became frittered down to the impotent condition in which it now stands. Review the progress of the Articles of Confederation through Congress, and compare the first and last draught of it. To correct its vices is the business of this Convention. One of its vices is the want of an effectual control in the whole over its parts. What danger is there that the whole will unnecessarily sacrifice a part? But reverse the case, and leave the whole at the mercy of each part, and will not the general interest be continually sacrificed to local interests?”
- James Wilson, [The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution, Friday, June 8. [Elliot's Debates, Volume 5]
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Journals of the Continental Congress,
“...And, with respect to all such unworthy Americans, as, regardless of their duty to their Creator, their country and their posterity, have taken part with our oppressors, and, influenced by the hope or possession of ignominious rewards, strive to recommend themselves to the bounty of administration, by misrepresenting and traducing the conduct and principles of the friends of American liberty, and opposing every measure formed for its preservation and security,
"Resolved, That it be recommended to the different Assemblies, conventions and committees or councils of safety in the United Colonies, by the most speedy and effectual measures, to frustrate the mischievous machinations, and restrain the wicked practices of these men: And it is the opinion of this Congress, that they ought to be disarmed, and the more dangerous among them, either kept in safe custody, or bound with sufficient sureties to their good behaviour..."
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Gent Philada. 1. June 1775 I fear the Military Ardor in our County may in some Measure cool without the Assistance of our Committee in its support. I am informed that the Want of arms will prevent many persons from Associating who might be supply'd by those whose Conciences are scrupulous on the Occasion. If therefore the Committee could come to a Resolve to Recommend to Such Persons to lend their Arms to those who are not Able to purchase for themselves and take the Capts. rec[eip] t for them to be return'd unless lost in Actual Service I think it would be of the Greatest use to the cause And if it could be recommended also to furnish in the Respective townships the poor persons in the Comp[an]ys with Hunting Shirts many Clever fellows would engage who can't now afford to pay the Expence & bear the loss of time. I have Just thrown out these hints & leave them for The Consideration of the Committee.
We have heard of a Detacht. of 400 Men sent by Genl. Carlton to retake Ticonderoga whose Garison Consists of 150 Men but a Reinforcemt. of 400 from Connecticut I hope will Arive before Carltons. And we have Ordered another Reinforcemt from Connecticut of 1000 being determined to keep the Post.(1) I am with great Esteem Your very Hble Servt. Geo. Ross
P.S. The Quakers & others of Scrupulous Conciences here Are taking the Steps I have mentioned to you as to Arms & Cloathing.
RC (DLC).
1 JCC, 2:73-74.
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My dear Jay Philada. July 20th. 1776.
I am much obliged to you for your friendly Letter of the 6th which did not come to Hand until a few Days ago, and I have been so much engaged since that I really had no time to acknowledge the Receipt of it.(1) But I can no longer delay it, when I have it in my Power to communicate a piece of Intelligence which I am sure must afford you (who are interested in the Happiness of my Countrymen) the highest Satisfaction. By Express which arrived yesterday we learn that the British Fleet has been repulsed with very considerable Loss. Two 50 Gun Ships have received so much Damage that it is thought they will never be able to go to Sea again-another the Actdon [Actaeon] of 28 blown up, the remainder considerably injured-The Captain of the Experiment kill'd, the Captain of the Bristol lost his Arm-Sir Peter Parker wounded-104 Seamen & inferior Officers kill'd & about 64 wounded, several of whom have since died of the wounds. The Loss of our side is-12 kill'd & 24 wounded, all privates. The Battle lasted near 12 Hours during the whole of which time Genl. Lee says our Men were as cool & as determined as ever he saw Men in his Life. This is the more to be wonder'd at when I tell you, that their Number was but 500 and that but one of that Number had ever seen a battle. At the time that the Ships lay before the Fort, Genl. Clynton attempted to land about 2000 of his Forces at another part of the Island. They were in 35 Flat Bottom Boats, but they were twice repulsed by Colonel Thompson of our Rangers, commanding 300 Men with considerable Loss on their Side, but none on ours.
It is thought that they would make another Attack with their Land Forces, but Lee says they may do in that as they please. He is confident we shall repulse them as often as they attack with as much Honour to ourselves as we have done already. Remember me to Morris. I am in very great Haste. Shall answer some Queries in your Letter in a day or two.(2)
God bless you, My dear Friend. I am, sincerely & affectionately yours, E. Rutledge
RC (NNC), Addressed: "John Jay Esquire, at the Congress at New York."
1 For Jay's letter, see Rutledge to Jay, June 29, 1776, note 2.
2 This day Rutledge also wrote a letter to Robert R. Livingston...
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Dear Sir Philadelphia March 31. 1777...
“...In Short, my Friend, altho We have many grievous Things to bear, and shall have more; yet there is nothing wanting but Patience. Patience and Perseverance will carry Us through this mighty Enterprise. An Enterprise that is and will be an Astonishment to vulgar Minds, all over the World, in this and in future Generations. An Enterprise however, which Faithfullness to our Ancestors, who have sett Us Examples of Resistance to Tyranny, Faithfullness to the present and future Generations, whose Freedom depends upon it laid us under every moral and religious obligation to undertake.
Our accounts from Europe are that great Preparations are making for war, and that every Thing tends to that object: but when or where, or how Hostilities will commence is yet unknown....The American Ministers abroad, advise Us to exert ourselves in every Respect, as if We were to receive no Assistance from abroad. This is certainly good Advice, and if We have Wisdom enough to follow it, a Diversion by a war in Europe, will be a more effectual Relief to us. I am &c.”
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Philadelphia 9th Decr. 1775...
“...From Necessity they have taken possession of Canada as it was notorious that the Ministry depended on that Country & its Inhabitants to pierce Us in the Rear, & get Us between two fires, in short it is meer necessity that ever induc'd Us to take up arms, & that now forces Us to depend on them. We love the people of England. We wanted no other Friends, no other Allys, but alas if they cannot be content to Consider Us as Brothers entitled to the same freedom, the same priviledges themselves enjoy, they cannot expect a people descended from their own flesh & blood, long Used to & well acquainted with the blessings of freedom, to sit down tamely & see themselves stripd of all they hold dear. For my part I abhor the Name & Idea of a Rebel, I neither want or wish a Change of King or Constitution, & do not conceive myself to act against either when I join America in defence of Constitutional Liberty. I am now a Member of the Continental Congress & if I have any influence or shoud hereafter gain any it shall be exerted in favour of every measure that has a tendancy to procure Accomodation on terms consistant with our just Claims & if I thought there was any thing ask'd on this side not founded in the Constitution in Reason & Justice I wou'd oppose it. This subject is so Important that it's ever uppermost & you must excuse me for running into it. I will finish with sincerely praying that a Speedy end may be put to the Unhappy Contest.”
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George Washington to Charles Cornwallis, January 8, 1777
“My Lord: Your Lordship's Favor of Yesterday was delivered to me by the Officer who met your Flag of Truce.
You may be assured, that no molestation will be offered to the Convoy of Money and Stores, which Genl. D'Heister means to send to the Hessians taken at Trenton, or to the Surgeon with Medicines for the Wounded at Princeton, by any part of the regular Army under my command: But I cannot answer for the Militia who are resorting to Arms in most parts of this State, and exceedingly exasperated at the Treatment they have met with, from both Hessian and British Troops...”
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Journals of the Continental Congress,
“The report of the Committee on Indian affairs was then taken into consideration, which being debated by paragraphs, the Congress came to the following Resolutions:
“That the securing and preserving the friendship of the Indian Nations, appears to be a subject of the utmost moment to these colonies.
“That there is too much reason to apprehend that Administration will spare no pains to excite the several Nations of Indians to take up arms against these colonies; and that it becomes us to be very active and vigilant in exerting every prudent means to strengthen and confirm the friendly disposition towards these colonies, which has long prevailed among the northern tribes, and which has been lately manifested by some of those to the southward.
“As the Indians depend on the Colonists for arms, ammunition, and cloathing, which are become necessary to their subsistance, That Commissioners be appointed by this Congress, to superintend Indian affairs in behalf of their colonies....”
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“...I have not a Musket to furnish the Militia who are without Arms; this demand upon me makes it necessary to remind you, that it will be needless for those to come down who have no Arms, except they will consent to work upon the Fortifications instead of taking their Tour of Military Duty; if they will do that, they may be most usefully employed. I would recommend to you to call in as many Men as can be got, for the express purpose of Working for we shall most undoubtedly have occasion for every Man who can procure or bear a Musket.”
- George Washington to Pennsylvania Safety Council, Dec. 22, 1776. [The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.]
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Dear Sir Philadelphia 23d May 1775
“...The New Yorkers have stepped forward and taken an Active share on the opposition, not a Tory to be seen amongst them, all ranks of People are embarked in the Common cause deter mined to oppose ministerial Vengeance. A military spirit has diffused itself in an extraordinary manner thro' this Province, it is said a Majority of the Quakers have taken up Arms certain it is that many in this City have done it, some of which are Officers and appear in Uniform. This strong current of opposition to ministerial measures in some instances bordering on licentiousness calls for the most prudent and temperate deliberations of the Congress. To bear and forebear is a precept of Morality calculated exactly for these times and as we must draw the Sword I hope Necessity, not resentment will influence our measures. It is highly necessary that North Carolina should be puting her self in a State of defence, a Company of Militia ought to be formed in each County and Trained frequently. You prevailed on Hooper and my self to be elected delegates to attend the Congress, you have been instrumental in puting the halter about our Necks, if we should be obliged to promise too much for our Province we shall want your abilities and influence to carry us through. In the interim you ought, I think, to Exert yourself in geting the Province put in a state of defence, encourage the People to Associate in Companies for that purpose and to make themselves acquainted with Military discipline, this you may do without appearing active in it yourself....”
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P. H. Townsend to Abraham Lincoln,
Wednesday, October 03, 1860
“...I need not go into the history of our struggles, and tell you, who know so well, how we have incurred the wrath of two Democratic administrations for daring to contend for our rights as American citizens, while armed invaders and Federal troops tried to dragoon us into submission to the decrees of the slavery propaganda We have had a hard struggle, but we have conquered, practically have we conquered, and it only remains that the coming administration shall recognize us as one of the sovereign states of the Republic and then will we rest, being well assured that we have gained a victory which will forever silence the spread of slavery.
“But our people were poor at the start, and became poorer under the protection (?) of the federal arm. By Democratic malignity we have been kept out of the union, our lands forced into market, appropriations withheld and all our plans for future prosperity delayed and ruined....”
- [Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress. Transcribed and Annotated by the Lincoln Studies Center, Knox College. Galesburg, Illinois.]
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From Isaac Murphy to Abraham Lincoln, December 14, 1864
[Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress. Transcribed and Annotated by the Lincoln Studies Center, Knox College. Galesburg, Illinois.]
Executive Office
Little Rock Ark
Dec 14th 1864
The President we all feel wishes the loyal people of the Rebel States to receive protection-- An appeal to him will not be disregarded -- as we hope and trust-- Oppression wrong and outrage we have suffered -- beyond the capability of expression-- We have been deprived of the means of protecting ourselves-- The War department abandons us to armed outlaws -- and at the same time refuses us the means of self defense-- And then comes Gen Canbys order to abandon Fort Smith1 and its dependancies Leaving the loyal portion of the state at the mercy of the Indians and desperadoes of the Frontier-- For the sake of humanity and the honour of the Government -- we crushed and broken hearted lovers of the Government of our fathers beseech you as President and Commander in Chief of the Army to redeem your pledges of protection We have done all that could be done on our part-- We have been true -- to the stars & stripe at the risk of life & property-- We ask only protection and that our devotion meet with some respect--
The Bearer Col Bishop2 has our confidence will you listen to him Redress our wrongs -- and save your friends -- from utter ruin
With high Respect
Isaac Murphy
Gov Ark
[Note 1 Maj. Gen. E. R. S. Canby did, in fact, order the evacuation of Fort Smith. The scarcity of troops, and the difficulty in supplying the post, he believed, necessitated the move. See Official Records, Series I, Volume 41, Part IV, 623-34.]
[Note 2 Lt. Col. Albert W. Bishop of the 1st Arkansas (Union) Cavalry was the acting Adjutant General of Arkansas.]
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"Find out just what the people will submit to and you have found out the exact amount of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them; and these will continue until they are resisted with either words or blows, or with both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress."
- Frederick Douglass, civil rights activist, Aug. 4, 1857
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"As to being apprehensive that such organization will not deprive you of the State by one who makes himself a leader, I reply, that the arms carried by his citizens or subjects, given to them bylaws and ordinances, never do him harm, but rather are always of some usefulness, and preserve the City uncorrupted for a longer time by means of these (arms), than without (them). Rome remained free four hundred years while armed: Sparta eight hundred: Many other Cities have been disarmed, and have been free less than forty years; for Cities have need of arms, and if they do not have arms of their own, they hire them from foreigners, and the arms of foreigners more readily do harm to the public good than their own; for they are easier to corrupt, and a citizen who becomes powerful can more readily avail himself, and can also manage the people more readily as he has to oppress men who are disarmed. In addition to this, a City ought to fear two enemies more than one. One which avails itself of foreigners immediately has to fear not only its citizens, but the foreigners that it enlists;and, remembering what I told you a short while ago of Francesco Sforza, (you will see that) that fear ought to exist. One which employs its own arms, has not other fear except of its own Citizens. But of all the reasons which can be given, I want this one to serve me, that no one ever established any Republic or Kingdom who did not think that it should be defended by those who lived there with arms: and if the Venetians had been as wise in this as in their other institutions, they would have created a new world Kingdom; but who so much more merit censure, because they had been the first who were armed by their founders."
- Niccolo Machiavelli, The Seven Books on the Art of War - First Book, by Niccolo Machiavelli, Citizen and Secretary of Florence, trans. Henry Neville (1675). [1521].
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"Under our happy system, the people are the sole and exclusive fountain of power. Each government originates from them, and to them alone, each to its proper constituents, are they respectively and solely responsible, for the faithful discharge of their duty, within their constitutional limits. And that the people will confine their public agents, of every station, to the strict line of their constitutional duties, there is no cause to doubt...."
"The history of the late wars in Europe furnishes a complete demonstration that no system of conduct, however correct in principle, can protect neutral powers from injury from any party; that a defenceless position, and distinguished love of peace, are the surest invitations to war; and that there is no way to avoid it, other than by being always prepared, and willing, for just cause, to meet it. If there be a people on earth whose more especial duty it is to be at all times prepared to defend the rights with which they are blessed, and to surpass all others in sustaining the necessary , and in submitting to sacrifices to make such preparations, it is undoubtedly the people of these states...."
- President James Monroe, December 3, 1822 message to the U.S. House and Senate. [Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States, 1822-1823. TUESDAY, December 3, 1822.]
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"Good intentions will always be pleaded for every assumption of authority. It is hardly too strong to say that the Constitution was made to guard the people against the dangers of good intentions. There are men in all ages who mean to govern well, but they mean to govern. They promise to be good masters, but they mean to be masters."
— Daniel Webster
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