More Quotes VI

"Sir: I have considered your favor of this date with its inclosure.

There does not appear to me any reason, upon which the soldiers are intitled to, or can claim
the Continental fire arms at the expiration of their times of service. The act of Assembly is
very plain. As an incouragement for men to bring their own arms into the army, it offers a
certain bounty, and to such who do not, a lesser sum. The difference which is given to the
former, appears to have been designed as a compensation for the use of the arms; nor can any
construction whatsoever authorise the latter to carry off arms &c. the property of the
Continent. I am &c.16"

[Note 16: The draft is in the writing of James McHenry.]

- George Washington, Letter to Henry Jackson, February 14, 1780.

[The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources,
1745-1799 John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor].

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"The Order of the 25th. instant prohibiting the discharging of fire arms in the vicinity of
Camp not being attended to the General Officer of the day is requested to send out Patrols
to detect and apprehend all stragglers with fire arms; every soldier so detected is to receive
thirty lashes, on his bare back at the head of the Corps he belongs to without trial, the first
time the Corps assembles after his being apprehended."

- George Washington, October 31, 1781, General Orders.
[The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript
Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor].

(Guess you didn't want to get the General angry, eh?)

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 “...Notwithstanding the length of this Letter, I must beg the Liberty to suggest to Congress an Idea which has been hinted to me, and which has affected my Mind very forcibly. That is, that at the Discharge of the Men engaged for the War, Congress should be pleased to suffer those Men, non Commissd Officers and Soldiers, to take with them as their own property, and as a Gratuity, the Arms and Accoutrements they now hold. This Act would raise pleasing Sensations in the Minds of those worthy and faithfull Men, who, from their early engaging in the War, at moderate Bounties, and from their patient continuing, under innumerable distresses, have not only deserved nobly from their Country, but have obtained an honorable Distinction over those, who, with shorter Terms, have gained large pecuniary Rewards. This Act, at a comparative small Expence, would be deemed an honorable Testimonial from Congress of the Regard they bear to those distinguished Worthies, and the Sense they have of their suffering Virtues and Services, which have been so happily instrumental towards the security and Establishment of the Rights Liberties and Independence of this rising Empire. These constant companions of their Toils and Dangers, preserved with sacred Care, would be handed down from the present possessors, to their Children, as honorable Badges of Bravery and military Merit; and would probably be bro't forth, on some future Occasion, with Pride and Exultation, to be improved, with the same military Ardor and Emulation, in the Hands of posterity, as they have been used by their forefathers in the present Establishment and foundation of our National Independence and Glory....”

- George Washington to Continental Congress, April 18, 1783. The George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799

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"That such of the non-commissioned officers and privates soldiers of the above description, as
continue in service to that period, shall be allowed their fire arms and accoutriments, as an extra reward for their long and faithful services."

- George Washington, General Orders, May 1, 1783.
[The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources,
1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor].

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"It has demonstrated that our prosperity rests on solid foundations;
by furnishing an additional proof that my fellow citizens understand
the true principles of government and liberty: that they feel their
inseparable union: that, notwithstanding all the devices which have
been used to sway them from their interest and duty, they are now as
ready to maintain the authority of the laws against licentious invasions,
as they were to defend their rights against usurpation. It has been a
spectacle, displaying to the highest advantage the value of Republican
Government, to behold the most and the least wealthy of our citizens
standing in the same ranks as private soldiers, pre-eminently
distinguished by being the army of the constitution, undeterred by a
march of three hundred miles over rugged mountains, by the approach of
an inclement season, or by any other discouragement."

- President George Washington, Message to the House of Representatives Nov. 19, 1794

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"What will be the consequences of our Arming for self defence, that Providence,
who permits these doings in the Disturbers of Mankind; and who rules and Governs
all things, alone can tell. To its all powerful decrees we must submit, whilst
we hope that the justice of our Cause if War, must ensue. will entitle us to its
Protection."

- George Washington, letter to Rev. Jonathan Boucher, Mt. Vernon, August 15, 1798.

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 “...I have not a Musket to furnish the Militia who are without Arms; this demand upon me makes it necessary to remind you, that it will be needless for those to come down who have no Arms, except they will consent to work upon the Fortifications instead of taking their Tour of Military Duty; if they will do that, they may be most usefully employed. I would recommend to you to call in as many Men as can be got, for the express purpose of Working for we shall most undoubtedly have occasion for every Man who can procure or bear a Musket....”

- George Washington to Pennsylvania Safety Council, December 22, 1776. [The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.]

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"The Constitution, in the present case, is the great law of the people, who are
themselves the sovereign legislature; and the preamble is in these words--

"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union,
establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence,
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessing of liberty to ourselves and
our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for
the United States of America."

"These are the great objects for which the Constitution was established; and in
administering it, we should always keep them in view. And here it is remarkable,
that, although common defence and general welfare are held up, in the preamble,
amongst the primary objects of attention, they are again mentioned in the 8th
section of the 1st article, whereby we are enjoined, in laying taxes, duties, &c.,
particularly to regard the common defence and general welfare. Indeed, common sense
dictates the measure; for the security of our property, families, and liberties--
of every thing dear to us--depends on our ability to defend them. The means,
therefore, for attaining this object, we ought not to omit a year, a month, or even
a day, if we could avoid it; and we are never provided for defence unless prepared
for sudden emergencies."

- Elbridge Gerry, House of Representatives, February 7, 1791,
[Elliot's Debates, Volume 4]

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"The right of the people to keep and bear arms has been recognized by the General Government; but the best security of that right after all is that military spirit, that taste for martial exercises, which has always distinguished the free citizens of these States.... Such men form the best barrier to the liberties of America."

- Gazette of the United States (New York), Oct. 14, 1789. (Excerpted from a letter dated Sept. 12, 1789 from Fayetteville, North Carolina).

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"This is an important question. Many persons scruple the powers of the Convention.
If this remark had any weight, it is equally applicable to the adoption of either
plan. The difference of drawing the powers in the one from the people, and in the
other from the states, does not affect the powers. There are two states in the Union
where the members of Congress are chosen by the people. A new government must be made.
Our all is depending on it; and if we have but a clause that the people will adopt,
there is then a chance for our preservation. Although all the states have assented to
the Confederation, an infraction of any one article by one of the states is a
dissolution of the whole. This is the doctrine of the civil law on treaties...."

"...The rights of individuals are infringed by many of the state laws--such as issuing
paper money, and instituting a mode to discharge debts differing from the form of the
contract. Has the Jersey plan any checks to prevent the mischief? Does it in any
instance secure internal tranquillity? Right and force, in a system like this, are
synonymous terms. When force is employed to support the system, and men obtain military
habits, is there no danger they may turn their arms against their employers?"

- James Madison.....

"....The Declaration of Independence preceded the state constitutions. What does this
declare? In the name of the people of these states, we are declared to be free and
independent."

- James Wilson,

'The Debates in the Several State Conventions', [Elliot's Debates, Volume 1], Pg. 423 - 427
June 19, 1787

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"... I humbly conceive there is extreme danger of establishing cruel martial
regulations. If, at any time, our rulers should have unjust and iniquitous
designs against our liberties, and should wish to establish a standing army,
the first attempt would be to render the service and use of militia odious to
the people themselves--Subjecting them to unnecessary severity of discipline
in time of peace, confining them under martial law, and disgusting them so much
as to make them cry out, "Give us a standing army!" I would wish to have some
check to exclude this danger; as, that the militia should never be subject to
martial law but in time of war. I consider and fear the natural propensity of
rulers to oppress the people. I wish only to prevent them from doing evil. By
these amendments I would give necessary powers, but no unnecessary power. If
the clause stands as it is now, it will take from the state legislatures what
divine Providence has given to every individual--the means of self-defence.
Unless it be moderated in some degree, it will ruin us, and introduce a standing
army."

- George Mason....

"Mr. Chairman, I most cordially agree, with the honorable member last up, that
a standing army is one of the greatest mischiefs that can possibly happen. It
is a great recommendation for this system, that it provides against this evil
more than any other system known to us, and, particularly, more than the old
system of confederation. The most effectual way to guard against a standing army,
is to render it unnecessary. The most effectual way to render it unnecessary, is
to give the general government full power to call forth the militia, and exert
the whole natural strength of the Union, when necessary. Thus you will furnish
the people with sure and certain protection, without recurring to this evil; and
the certainty of this protection from the whole will be a strong inducement to
individual exertion. Does the organization of the government warrant a belief
that this power will be abused? Can we believe that a government of a federal
nature, consisting of many co๋qual sovereignties, and particularly having one
branch chosen from the people, would drag the militia unnecessarily to an immense
distance? This, sir, would be unworthy the most arbitrary despot.

"They have no temptation whatever to abuse this power; such abuse could only answer
the purpose of exciting the universal indignation of the people, and drawing on
themselves the general hatred and detestation of their country...."

- James Madison

....Mr. CLAY wished to know the instances where an opposition to the laws did not
come within the idea of an insurrection.

"Mr. MADISON replied, that a riot did not come within the legal definition of an
insurrection. There might be riots, to oppose the execution of the laws, which the
civil power might not be sufficient to quell. This was one case, and there might
probably be other cases. He referred to the candor of the committee, whether the
militia could ever be used to destroy themselves...."

- The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal
Constitution [Elliot's Debates, Volume 3], June 14, 1788.

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"Here in America we are descended in blood and in spirit from revolutionaries and rebels --
men and women who dared to dissent from accepted doctrine. As their heirs we never confuse
honest dissent with disloyal subversion."

- Dwight D. Eisenhower

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"Friends and fellow Citizens [ante May 29, 1777](1) We your Delegates in
Congress address you at this Period in order to give you a Just Notion of
your affairs and of the Exertions Necessary for compleating your Freedom
and Happiness.
 
"Our Enemy are unwearied in their Endeavours to seduce you from that honest
and virtuous firmness wherewith you have united against their Usurpations.
They pretend that your resistance do's not arise from a Sense of Violence
done to your Rights, but from a Delusion into which you have been lead by
Some designing men whose purpose is only to set up an Independant Dominion
that they themselves may enjoy the supreme Power.
 
"These Suggestions your own Experience can best refute, to you it is best
known that they are false and Groundless, and every honest unprejudiced man
will be convinced of it from a short View of the progress of the Contest.

"...When obliged to take this first Step the People proceeded with the utmost
Caution. No tumult or disorder appeared, every man was impressed with an awful
Sense of the Necessity he was under of Exercising that Right which Nature gave
to every Man...."

"...No choice was left but to Oppose Arms to Arms, or submit to the absolute
dominion of Men whose pride and Cruelty is incurrable, and whose rapacity is
without Bounds. No alternative was left to the Citizen but to rouse into a
Soldier or Sink into a Slave and entail Servitude Irrevocably on his posterity.
Yet even after this altho the People of America Could not Hesitate to take Arms,
they kept in view their much loved Constitutional Connection with Britain, and
altho they knew that when Protection was denied them, and they were driven to
arms for their Safety..."

"They have Seen the People change their Servants frequently since they were
compelled to take arms for their Defence, and yet the resistance has rather
increased upon every change. They have seen the People in every State Erect
Governments by their Sovereign authority, and in these Governments take special
care that no Individuals should ever acquire any Influence over them. They
have met with one Common Spirit of resistance every where in America, and that
Spirit actuated the People without Distinction. This must undoubtedly have
Convinced them long before this that the Americans are all apprehensive of
Danger from the same Object and are Influenced by nothing but that Common
Apprehension, and a firm resolution to meet it with Effectual Opposition."

- Inhabitants of the United States, Letters of Delegates to Congress:
Volume 7, May 29. 1777 

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"...The ordinance is founded, not on the indefeasible right of resisting acts
which are plainly unconstitutional, and too oppressive to be endured, but
on the strange position that any one state may not only declare an act of
Congress void, but prohibit its execution; that they may do this consistently
with the Constitution; that the true construction of that instrument permits
a state to retain its place in the Union, and yet be bound by no other of its
laws than those it may choose to consider as constitutional. It is true, they
add that, to justify this abrogation of a law, it must be palpably contrary
to the Constitution; but it is evident that, to give the right of resisting
laws of that description, coupled with the uncontrolled right to decide what
laws deserve that character, is to give the power of resisting all laws: for,
as by the theory, there is no appeal: the reasons alleged by the state, good
or bad, must prevail. If it should be said that public opinion is a sufficient
check against the abuse of this power, it may be asked why it is not deemed a
sufficient guard against the passage of an unconstitutional act by Congress.
There is, however, a restraint, in this last case, which makes the assumed
power of a state more indefensible, and which does not exist in the other.
There are two appeals from an unconstitutional act passed by Congress

--one to the judiciary,

the other to the people and the states.

There is no appeal from the state decision in theory, and the practical illustration shows
that the courts are closed against an application to review it, both judges and jurors
being sworn to decide in its favor. But reasoning on this subject is superfluous
when our social compact, in express terms, declares that the laws of the United
States, its Constitution, and treaties made under it, are the supreme law of the
land; and, for greater caution, adds, "that the judges in every state shall be
bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or laws of any state to the
contrary notwithstanding." And it may be asserted, without fear of refutation,
that no federative government could exist without a similar provision...."

- President Andrew Jackson,

PRESIDENT JACKSON'S PROCLAMATION, Of the Dec. 10, 1833, CONCERNING THE ORDINANCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. ON THE SUBJECT OF THE TARIFF, ON THE 24TH NOVEMBER, 1832.

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"To retain it in the Treasury unemployed in any way, is impracticable.
It is, besides, against the genius of our free institutions to lock up
in vaults the treasure of the nation. To take from the people the right
of bearing arms, and put their weapons of defence in the hands of a
standing army, would be scarcely more dangerous to their liberties, than
to permit the Government to accumulate immense amounts of treasure beyond
the supplies necessary to its legitimate wants. Such a treasure would
doubtless be employed at some time, as it has been in other countries,
when opportunity tempted ambition."

- President Andrew Jackson, Message to the U.S. Senate, Dec. 6, 1836

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Journal of the Senate of the United States of America,
TUESDAY, January 5, 1864.

Mr. Davis submitted the following resolutions for consideration; which
were ordered to be printed:

...14. Resolved, That the present executive government of the United States
has subverted, for the time, in large portions of the loyal States, the freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, and free suffrage, the constitutions and laws of the States and of the United States, the civil courts and trial by jury; it has ordered, ad libitum, arbitrary arrests by military officers, not only without warrant, but without any charge or imputation of crime or offence; and has hurried the persons so arrested from home and vicinage to distant prisons and kept them incarcerated there for an indefinite time; some of whom it discharged without trial, and in utter ignorance of the cause of their arrest and imprisonment; and others it caused to be brought before courts created by itself, and to be tried and punished without law, in violation of the constitutional guarantee to the citizen of his right to keep and bear arms, and of his rights of property; it has forcibly deprived as welt the loyal as the disloyal of both; it has usurped the power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and to proclaim martial law, and establish military tribunals in States and parts of States where there was no obstruction to the due administration of the laws of the United States and the States by the civil courts and authorities; and ordered many citizens, who were not connected with the army or navy, to be dragged before its drumhead courts, and to be tried by them for new and strange offences, declared by itself, and by undefined and undefinable law, being but the arbitrary will of the court; it has ordained at pleasure a military despotism in the loyal States, by means of courts-martial, provost marshals, and military forces, governed neither by law, principles, nor rules, from whose tyranny and oppressions no man can claim immunity; all of  which must be repudiated and swept away by the sovereign people.
 
15. Resolved, That a free press, free speech, and free elections are the great and peaceful forces by which the mal-administration of our government, whether in the legislative or executive departments, is prevented, reformed, and reversed, and its authors brought to public condemnation and punishment; and these bulwarks of constitutional government and popular liberty are formidable to malversators, usurpers, and tyrants only, and they must be held by the people at all hazards....

On motion by Mr. Ten Eyck,

Ordered, That so much of the President's message as refers to the subject of
reconstruction in several of the States, be referred to the Committee on the
Judiciary."

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"True law is right reason, harmonious with nature, diffused among all, constant, eternal;
a law which calls to duty by its commands and restrains from evil by its prohibitions....
It is a sacred obligation not to attempt to legislate in contradiction to this law; nor
may it be derogated from nor abrogated. Indeed, by neither the Senate nor the people can
we be released from this law; nor does it require any but oneself to be its expositor or
interpreter. Nor is it one law at Rome and another at Athens; one now and another at a
late time; but one eternal and unchangeable law binding all nations through all time...."

- Cicero, De Republica

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"We are born for justice, and right is not the mere arbitrary construction of opinion,
but an institution of nature"

"Let [the Charter] be brought forth [and] placed in the divine law, the word of God:
Let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve
of monarchy,...in America the law is king."

- Thomas Paine

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"The Constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit
and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all."
"If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the
constitutional Power be in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by
an amendment in the way in which the Constitution designates. But let there
be no change by usurpation: for" "it is the customary weapon by which free
governments are destroyed." Washington spoke these words to his countrymen,
when, followed by their love and gratitude, he voluntarily retired from the
cares of public life. "To keep in all things within the pale of our
constitutional powers, and cherish the federal Union as the only rock of
safety," were prescribed by Jefferson as rules of action to endear to his
"countrymen the true principles of their Constitution, and promote a union
of sentiment and action equally auspicious to their happiness and safety."
Jackson held that the action of the general government should always be
strictly confined to the sphere of its appropriate duties, and justly and
forcibly urged that our government is not to be maintained nor our Union
preserved "by invasions of the rights and powers of the several States. In
thus attempting to make our general government strong, we make it weak. Its
true strength consists in leaving individuals and States as much as possible
to themselves; in making itself felt, not in its power, but in its beneficence;
not in its control, but in its protection; not in binding the States more
closely to the centre, but leaving each to move unobstructed in its proper
constitutional orbit." These are the teachings of men whose deeds and services
have made them illustrious, and who, long since withdrawn from the scenes of
life, have left to their country the rich legacy of their example, their wisdom,
and their patriotism. Drawing fresh inspiration from their lessons, let us
emulate them in love of country and respect for the Constitution and the laws."

- President Andrew Johnson, Washington,

Message to House and Senate, Dec. 3, 1866

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""For all human laws are nourished by one, which is divine. For it governs as far as it
will, and is sufficient for all, and more than enough."

- Heraclitus, around 500 BC

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"The state of nature has a law to govern it, which obliges every one: and reason, which
is that law, teaches all mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and
independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions...

"In transgressing the law of nature, the offender declares himself to live by another
rule than that of reason and common equity, which is that measure God has set to the
actions of men...

"A criminal, who having renounced reason, the common rule and measure God hath given to
mankind, hath, by the unjust violence and slaughter he hath committed on one, declared
war against all mankind."

- John Locke, Second Treatise

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"There are certain precepts of the law which have perpetual necessity, having the force
of law among all nations and which absolutely cannot be broken."

- John of Salisbury, Policraticus

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"The king in particular had not. In those antient times he was little more than the greatest proprietor in his dominions, to whom, for the sake of common defence against their common enemies, the other great proprietors paid certain respects. To have enforced payment of a small debt within the lands of a great proprietor, where all the inhabitants were armed and accustomed to stand by one another, would have cost the king, had he attempted it by his own authority, almost the same effort as to extinguish a civil war. He was, therefore, obliged to abandon the administration of justice through the greater part of the country, to those who were capable of administering it; and for the same reason to leave the command of the country militia to those whom that militia would obey."

- Adam Smith, Glasgow Edition of the Works and Correspondence Vol. 2a An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Vol. 1 Chap. IV: How the Commerce of the Towns contributed to the Improvement of the Country. [1776]

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"No agreement can bind, or even authorize, a man to violate the natural law."

"One would have to be very ignorant of political affairs not to perceive how
much more capable a virtuous Nation is of forming a happy, peaceful,
flourishing and secure state, respected by its neighbors and formidable to
its enemies."

- Emmerich de Vattel, The Law of Nations

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"the reason or will of God."
(ratio divina vel voluntas Dei).

"unjust prescriptions of law"
(lex iniusta non est lex).

"Human law, has the quality of law only insofar as it proceeds according to right reason;
and in this respect it is clear that it derives from the eternal law. Insofar as it deviates
from reason it is called an unjust law, and has the quality not of law, but of violence."
(in Summae).

- St. Augustine

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"Let it be remembered finally, that it has ever been the pride
and boast of America, that the rights for which she contended,
were the rights of human nature. By the blessing of the author
of these rights, on the means exerted for their defence, they
have prevailed against all opposition, and form at this time the
basis of thirteen independent states. No instance has heretofore
occurred, nor can any instance be expected hereafter to occur,
in which the unadulterated forms of Republican government can
pretend to so fair an opportunity of justifying themselves by
their fruits. In this view the citizens of the United States are
responsible for the greatest trust ever confided to a political
society. If justice, good faith, honor, gratitude and all the
other virtues qualities which ennoble the character of a nation,
and fulfil the ends of government, be the fruits of our
establishments, the cause of liberty will acquire a dignity and
lustre which it has never yet enjoyed; and an example will be
set which cannot fail to but have the most favourable influence
on the rights of mankind. If on the other side, our governments
should be unfortunately blotted with the reverse of these
cardinal and essential qualities virtues, the great cause which
we have engaged to vindicate will be dishonored and betrayed; the
last and fairest experiment in favour of the rights of human
nature will be turned against them, and their patrons and friends
exposed to be insulted and silenced by the sycophants votaries
of tyranny and usurpation."

- James Madison, Journals of the Continental Congress, Address
to the States, by the United States Congress Assembled.
April 26, 1783

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"3. As the Cessation of the American Trade with Ireland originated in Policy dictated by Principles of self Preservation and may be attended with Distress to a People who have always manifested a Noble Regard to the Rights of Mankind and have ever been friendly to these much injured Colonies, Your Committee are of opinion that great Kindness and Attention ought to be paid to such of that oppressed Nation as have or may come to settle in America, and that it be earnestly recommended by this Congress to the good People of these Colonies to let them have Lands at a cheap Rate, and on casy Terms, and that the several Conventions and Assemblies and Committees through out these confederate Countries, afford them Aid and to them every friendly office. And it having been represented to your Committee that the withholding Flax seed from Ireland will be attended with a much greater Degree of Distress and Ruin to the poor of that Kingdom, than the Congress apprehended, they are of opinion that our Friends and Fellow Subjects in Ireland should be admitted to take Flax seed from these Colonies in Exchange for all such Powder and other military Stores and woolen Yarn of their Manufacture as they shall bring to America."

- Journals of the Continental Congress, Oct. 2, 1775

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"Let us consider the sentiments which have been entertained by the
people of America on this subject. At the revolution, it must be
admitted that it was their sense to set down those great rights which
ought, in all countries, to be held inviolable and sacred. Virginia
did so, we all remember. She made a compact to reserve, expressly,
certain rights.

"When fortified with full, adequate, and abundant representation, was
she satisfied with that representation? No. She most cautiously and
guardedly reserved and secured those invaluable, inestimable rights
and privileges, which no people, inspired with the least glow of
patriotic liberty, ever did, or ever can, abandon. She is called upon
now to abandon them, and dissolve that compact which secured them to
her. She is called upon to accede to another compact, which most
infallibly supersedes and annihilates her present one. Will she do it?
This is the question. If you intend to reserve your unalienable rights,
 you must have the most express stipulation; for, if implication be
allowed, you are ousted of those rights. If the people do not think
it necessary to reserve them, they will be supposed to be given up.
How were the congressional rights defined when the people of America
united by a confederacy to defend their liberties and rights against
the tyrannical attempts of Great Britain? The states were not then
contented with implied reservation. No, Mr. Chairman. It was expressly
declared in our Confederation that every right was retained by the
states, respectively, which was not given up to the government of the
United States. But there is no such thing here. You, therefore, by a
natural and unavoidable implication, give up your rights to the general
government.

"Your own example furnishes an argument against it. If you give up these
powers, without a bill of rights, you will exhibit the most absurd thing
to mankind that ever the world saw -- government that has abandoned all
its powers -- the powers of direct taxation, the sword, and the purse.
You have disposed of them to Congress, without a bill of rights -- without
check, limitation, or control. And still you have checks and guards; still
you keep barriers -- pointed where? Pointed against your weakened,
prostrated, enervated state government! You have a bill of rights to defend
you against the state government, which is bereaved of all power, and yet
you have none against Congress, though in fill and exclusive possession of
all power! You arm yourselves against the weak and defenceless, and expose
yourselves naked to the armed and powerful. Is not this a conduct of
unexampled absurdity? What barriers have you to oppose to this most strong,
energetic government? To that government you have nothing to oppose. All
your defence is given up. This is a real, actual defect. It must strike the
mind of every gentleman."

- Patrick Henry, June 16, 1788, Virginia State Convention on the Adoption
of the Federal Constitution [Elliot's Debates, Volume 3]

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"In closing this communication, I ought not to repress a sensibility,
in which you will unite, to the happy lot of our country, and to the
goodness of a superintending Providence to which we are indebted for
it. Whilst other portions of mankind are labouring under the distresses
of war, or struggling with adversity in other forms, the United States
are in the tranquil enjoyment of prosperous and honourable peace. In
reviewing the scenes through which it has been attained, we can rejoice
in the proofs given, that our political institutions, founded in human
rights, and framed for their preservation, are equal to the severest
trials of war, as well as adapted to the ordinary periods of repose.
As fruits of this experience, and of the reputation acquired by the
American arms, on the land and on the water, the nation finds itself
possessed of a growing respect abroad, and of a just confidence in itself,
which are among the best pledges for its peaceful career. Under other
aspects of our country, the strongest features of its flourishing
condition are seen, in a population rapidly increasing, on a territory
as productive as it is extensive; in a general industry, and fertile
ingenuity, which find their ample rewards; and in an affluent revenue,
which admits a reduction of the public burdens, without withdrawing the
means of sustaining the public credit, of gradually discharging the
public debt, of providing for the necessary defensive and precautionary
establishments, and of patronizing, in every authorized mode, undertakings
conducive to the aggregate wealth and individual comfort of our citizens.

"It remains for the guardians of the public welfare, to persevere in that
justice and good will towards other nations, which invite a return of these
sentiments towards the United States; to cherish institutions which guarantee
their safety, and their liberties, civil and religious; and to combine with
a liberal system of foreign commerce, an improvement of the national
advantages, and a protection and extension of the independent resources of
our highly favoured and happy country.

In all measures having such objects, my faithful co-operation will be afforded.

- President James Madison, Washington,

Message to the House and Senate, Dec. 5th, 1815.

**********

"Would to God that economy could also be introduced into our private affairs.
The money our foolish people spend in superfluities and vanities would be
nearly equal to the expense of the war. But that is wishing mankind more sense
than God has been pleased to give them and more than they desire, for they have
not enough to know they want it, and one may as well wish them more money."

- Benjamin Franklin, The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United
States, Volume 4, November 5, 1781.

**********

"In short some Individauls from too much Zeal not tempered Sufficiently with
wisdom and foresight, from apprehensions too lively and Judgements a little
defective, from a busy Enterprising Disposition not quite enough Controll'd by
caution and Circumspection or from some other defect of Capacity very frequently
gave too much importance to trifling objects (15) and generally Suggested and
urged the Exercise of acts of mere arbitrary power as remedies on every Occasion.
Of late this Disposition was become more extensive, and appeared more frequently,
and whoever spoke of the Internal Police or rights of the States as restraining
the power of Congress was generally exposed to Sarcasm or ridicule. State
Necessity was urged on all Such Occasions as Sufficient to Justify every act of
power. I who am firmly persuaded that arbitrary Power has a Natural tendency to
abuse, and am therefore Jealous of it in any Hands, who have marked the force
and progress of precedents and have observed that those which have happened under
the direction of Virtuous men have given Authority to Corrupt men to Violate the
rights of mankind have always Considered this propensity as dangerous so far as
it tended to Establish Precedents of such acts of Power exercised by Congress as
are repugnant to or Inconsistent with the purposes of its Institution and the
rights of the States."

- Thomas Burke, Letter to the North Carolina Assembly, April 29, 1778

**********

"It may be asked, then, are the people of the States without redress
against the tyranny and oppression of the federal government? By no
means. The right of resistance on the part of the governed against the
oppression of their governments cannot be denied. It exists independently
of all constitutions, and has been exercised at all periods of the world's
history. Under it, old governments have been destroyed and new ones have
taken their place. It is embodied in strong and express language in our
own Declaration of Independence...."

"...To this we are, also, indebted for the Bill of Rights, which secures
the people against any abuse of power by the federal government. Such
were the apprehensions justly entertained by the friends of State rights
at that period as to have rendered it extremely doubtful whether the
Constitution could have long survived without those amendments."

- President James Buchanan, Message to the House of Representaives,
Dec. 3, 1860

**********

"Nations, like individuals in a state of nature, are equal and independent,
possessing certain rights, and owing certain duties to each other, arising
from their necessary and unavoidable relations; which rights and duties there
is no common human authority to protect and enforce. Still, they are rights
and duties, binding in morals, in conscience, and in honor, although there
is no tribunal to which an injured party can appeal but the disinterested
judgment of mankind, and ultimately the arbitrament of the sword.....
The great law of morality ought to have a national as well as a personal and
individual application."

- President Millard Fillmore, Dec. 2, 1850

**********

"We shall, doubtless, in this great struggle suffer much, but I trust no
losses or sufferings will induce us to give over the defence of our liberty,
and that cost what it may, we will persevere with unremitting vigour to
maintain that inestimable jewel which we have received from our ancestors
and transmit the same with unsullied lustre to our posterity."

- John Hancock, letter to George Washington, Jan. 16, 1776

**********

"But it ought always to be held prominently in view, that the safety of these
States, and of every thing dear to a free people, must depend, in an eminent
degree, on the militia Invasions may be made too formidable to be resisted by
any land and naval force which it would comport either with the principles of
our government or the circumstances of the United States to maintain. In such
cases, recourse must be had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to
produce the best effect. It is of the highest importance, therefore, that they
be so organized and trained as to be prepared for any emergency. The arrangement
should be such as to put at the command of the government the ardent patriotism
and youthful vigor of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it
cannot be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure--and not the laws,
which provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed too in time of
peace, to be the better prepared for war. With such an organization of such a
people, the United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its
approach, an overwhelming force of gallant men might always be put is motion."

- President James Monroe, Address to the Senate, March 4, 1817

**********

"Certainly the government of the United States is a limited government; and so
is every State government a limited government. With us this idea of limitation
spreads through every form of administration, general, State, and municipal, and
rests on the great distinguishing principle of the recognition of the rights of
man. The ancient republics absorbed the individual in the State, prescribed his
religion, and controlled his activity. The American system rests on the assertion
of the equal right of every man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;
to freedom of conscience; to the culture and exercise of all his faculties. As a
consequence the State government is limited, as to the general government in the
interest of union, as to the individual citizen in the interest of freedom....

"...I have thus explained my views of the mutual relations of the Constitution
and the States because they unfold the principles on which I have sought to solve
the momentous questions and overcome the appalling difficulties that met me at the
very commencement of my administration. It has been my steadfast object to escape
from the sway of momentary passions, and to derive a healing policy from the
fundamental and unchanging principles of the Constitution....

"...From the moment of the establishment of our free Constitution the civilized
world has been convulsed by revolutions in the interests of democracy or of monarchy,
but through all those revolutions the United States have wisely and firmly refused to
become propagandists of republicanism. It is the only government suited to our
condition; but we have never sought to impose it on others, and we have consistently
followed the advice of Washington to recommend it only by the careful preservation
and prudent use of the blessing....

"...When, on the organization of our government, under the Constitution, the President
of the United States delivered his inaugural address to the two houses of Congress, he
said to them, and through them to the country, and to mankind, that "the preservation
of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the American people." And the House of Representatives answered Washington by the voice of Madison: "We adore the invisible hand which has led the American people, through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty."

- Andrew Johnson, Washington, Message to the House and Senate, Dec. 4, 1865

**********

"We have to maintain inviolate the great doctrine of the inherent right
of popular self-government; to reconcile the largest liberty of the
individual citizen, with complete security of the public order; to render
cheerful obedience to the laws of the land, to unite in enforcing their
execution, and to frown indignantly on all combinations to resist them;
to harmonise a sincere and ardent devotion to the institutions of religious
faith with the most universal religious toleration; to preserve the rights
of all by causing each to respect those of the other; to carry forward
every social improvement to the uttermost limit of human perfectibility,
by the free action of mind upon mind, not by the obtrusive intervention of
misplaced force; to uphold the integrity and guard the limitations of our
organic law; to preserve sacred from all touch of usurpation, as the very
palladium of our political salvation, the reserved rights and powers of
the several States and of the people; to cherish, with loyal fealty and
devoted affection, this Union, as the only sure foundation on which the
hopes of civil liberty rest; to administer government with vigilant
integrity and rigid economy; to cultivate peace and friendship with foreign
nations, and to demand and exact equal justice from all, but to do wrong to
none; to eschew intermeddling with the national policy and the domestic
repose of other governments, and to repel it from our own; never to shrink
from war when the rights and the honor of the country call us to arms, but
to cultivate in preference the arts of peace, seek enlargement of the rights
of neutrality, and elevate and liberalize the intercourse of nations; and by
such just and honorable means, and such only, whilst exalting the condition
of the republic, to assure to it the legitimate influence and the benign
authority of a great example amongst all the powers of Christendom.

"Under the solemnity of these convictions, the blessing of Almighty God is
earnestly invoked to attend upon your deliberations, and upon all the counsels
and acts of the government, to the end that, with common zeal and common efforts, we may, in humble submission to the Divine will, co-operate for the promotion of the supreme good of these United States."

- President Franklin Pierce, Message to the Senate, Dec. 4, 1854

**********

"What better pledge can be given of a persevering national love of liberty,
when those blessings are evidently the result of a virtuous resistance to
oppression, and of institutions founded on the rights of man, and the
republican principle of self-government."

- General the Marquis Gilbert Motier de Lafayette, to the U.S. House of
Representatives, Dec. 10, 1824. Lafayette was General Washington's favorite and most loyal foreign officer.

**********

"The armor and the attitude of defence afford the best security against
those collisions which the ambition, or interest, or some other passion
of nations not more justifiable, is liable to produce. In many countries
it is considered unsafe to put arms into the hands of the people, and to
instruct them in the elements of military knowledge. That fear can have
no place here, when it is recollected that the people are the sovereign
power. Our Government was instituted, and is supported, by the ballot-box,
not by the musket. Whatever changes await it, still greater changes must
be made in our social institutions, before our political system can yield
to physical force. In every aspect, therefore, in which I can view the
subject, I am impressed with the importance of a prompt and efficient
organization of the militia....

"....The plan for their removal and re-establishment is founded upon, the
knowledge we have gained of their character and habits, and has been
dictated by a spirit of enlarged liberality. A territory exceeding in
extent that relinquished has been granted to each tribe. Of its climate,
fertility, and capacity to support an Indian population, the representations
are highly favorable. To these districts the Indians are removed at the
expense of the United States; and, with certain supplies of clothing, arms,
ammunition, and other indispensable articles, they are also furnished
gratuitously with provisions for the period of a year after their arrival at
their new homes....

(Hmmmm.....not meaning to peel off old scabs, but we were
fighting many of these tribes, yes? Granted, their fight was just, for we
were the intruders on lands they occupied. If I recall, there was some
very nasty fighting and barbaric activities that emanated from both the
native Americans and us. And now Mr. Jackson is giving them arms and ammo.?
Mr. Jackson, I would like some arms and ammo. as well. Where do I sign up?)

"Considering the great extent of our confederacy, the rapid increase of its
population, and the diversity of their interests and pursuits, it cannot be
disguised that the contingency by which one branch of the Legislature is to
form itself into an electoral college cannot become one of ordinary occurrence
without producing incalculable mischief. What was intended as the medicine of
the constitution in extreme cases, cannot be frequently used without changing
its character, and sooner or later producing incurable disorder....

(Mr. Jackson appears to have been blessed with the gift of prophesy!)

"Every election by the House of Representatives is calculated to lessen the
force of that security which is derived from the distinct and separate character
of the legislative and executive functions; and while it exposes each to
temptations adverse to their efficiency as organs of the constitution and laws,
its tendency will be to unite both in resisting the will of the people, and thus
give a direction to the Government, anti-republican and dangerous. All history
tells us that a free people should be watchful of delegated power, and should
never acquiesce in a practice which will diminish their control over it. This
obligation, so universal in its application to all the principles of a republic,
is peculiarly so in ours, where the formation of parties founded on sectional
interests is so much fostered by the extent of out territory. These interests,
represented by candidates for the Presidency, are constantly prone, in the zeal
of party and selfish objects, to generate influences unmindful of the general
good, and forgetful of the restraints which the great body of the people would
enforce, if they were, in no contingency, to lose the right of expressing their
will. The experience of our country, from the formation of the Government to the
present day, demonstrates that the people, cannot too soon adopt some stronger
safeguard for their right to elect the highest officers known to the constitution,
than is contained in that sacred instrument as it now stands...."

(Now there is no doubt, Mr. Jackson definately had the gift of prophesy).

- Andrew Jackson, Washington, Message to U.S. Senate Dec. 7, 1835

**********

"I cannot bring myself to depict the humiliation to which this Government
and people might be sooner or later reduced, if the means for defending
their rights are to be made dependant upon those who may have the most
powerful of motives to impair them...."

"Martin Van Buren, Message to the U.S. Senate, Dec. 23, 1839

**********

"The right of self-defence never ceases. It is among the must sacred, and
alike necessary to nations and to individuals."

- James Monroe, Message to the U.S. Senate, Nov. 16, 1818

**********

[Motion Mr. St. Clair]

"Whereas the Board of Treasury in their Report of June 6th. last upon
the Petition of Michael Smyser seem to have considered Mr. Smyser as
applying for relief in his own Person, and that he might be put in a
situation to do Justice to his Creditors, in the Business reffered to
in the Petition, while the Creditors are realy Soldiers who have been
furnished with Arms by sundry Inhabitants upon their personal Contracts,
and obliged to pay for the same out of their own pockets, and are the
People to be relieved, Mr. Smyser having been an agent only, therefore
resolved that the Petition of the said Michael Smyser together with the
Report of the Board of Treasury be referred back to that Board for
reconsideration.(1)

[Note 1: 1 This motion, in the writing of Arthur St. Clair, is in the
Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 138, II, folio 333. According
to Committee Book No. 190, the report of the Board, together with St.
Clair's motion, was referred back to the Board of Treasury to report. A
report was rendered March 21, 1787.

Also was read, according to indorsement, a letter from the Board of
Treasury, dated August 31, regarding the felony of John Phelon, a clerk
in the office of the Commissioner of Army Accounts, and referred to the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs to report. He reported September 7. The
Board's letter and accompanying papers are in No. 140, II, folios
271--279.]

- Journals of the Continental Congress, Sept. 4, 1786

**********

"...The express authority of the people alone could give due validity to the Constitution....

"...The first question is answered at once by recurring to the absolute necessity of the case;
to the great principle of self-preservation; to the transcendent law of nature and of nature's God, which declares that the safety and happiness of society are the objects at which all political institutions aim, and to which all such institutions must be sacrificed. Perhaps, also, an answer may be found without searching beyond the principles of the compact itself...."
 
"...A compact between independent sovereigns, founded on ordinary acts of legislative authority,
can pretend to no higher validity than a league or treaty between the parties. It is an
established doctrine on the subject of treaties, that all the articles are mutually conditions
of each other; that a breach of any one article is a breach of the whole treaty; and that a breach, committed by either of the parties, absolves the others, and authorizes them, if they please, to pronounce the compact violated and void...."

" It is one of those cases which must be left to provide for itself. In general, it may be
observed, that although no political relation can subsist between the assenting and dissenting
States, yet the moral relations will remain uncancelled. The claims of justice, both on one side
and on the other, will be in force, and must be fulfilled; the rights of humanity must in all
cases be duly and mutually respected; whilst considerations of a common interest, and, above all, the remembrance of the endearing scenes which are past, and the anticipation of a speedy triumph over the obstacles to reunion, will, it is hoped, not urge in vain moderation on one side, and prudence on the other."

PUBLIUS

- James Madison, The Federalist No. 43

**********

"The misfortune at Detroit was not, however, without a consoling effect.
It was followed by signal proofs, that the national spirit rises according
to the pressure on it. The loss of an important post, and of the brave men
surrendered with it, inspired every where new ardor and determination. In
the states and districts least remote, it was no sooner known, than every
citizen was ready to fly with his arms, at once to protect his brethren
against the blood-thirsty savages let loose by the enemy on an extensive
frontier, and to convert a partial calamity into a source of invigorated
efforts. This patriotic zeal, which it was necessary rather to limit than
excite, has embodied an ample force from the states of Kentucky and Ohio,
and from parts of Pennsylvania and Virginia."

- President James Madison, Message to the U.S. Senate, Nov. 4, 1812

**********

Journals of the Continental Congress,

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1783

By the United States in Congress assembled.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas in the progress of an arduous and difficult war, the armies of the United States of America have eminently displayed every military and patriotic virtue, and are not less to be applauded for their invincible fortitude and magnanimity in the most trying scenes of adversity and distress, than for a series of heroic and illustrious achievements, which exalt them to a high rank among the most zealous and successful defenders of the rights and liberties of mankind. And whereas by the blessing of Divine Providence on our cause and our arms, the glorious period is arrived when our national independence and sovereignty are established, and we enjoy the prospect of a permanent and honorable peace: We therefore, the United States in Congress assembled, thus impressed with a lively sense of the distinguished merit and good conduct of the said armies, do give them the thanks of their country, for their long, eminent and faithful services.

And it is our will and pleasure, that such part of the federal armies as stands engaged to serve during the war, and as by our Acts of the 26 day of May, the 11 day of June, the 9 day August, and the 26 day of September last, were furloughed, shall, from and after the tenth third day of October November next, be absolutely discharged by virtue of this our proclamation, from the said service: and we do also declare, that the further services in the field, of the officers who are deranged and on furlough, in consequence of our aforesaid Acts, can now be dispensed with, and they have our full permission to retire from service, without being longer liable from their present engagements, to be called into command. And of such discharge and permission to retire from service respectively, all our officers, civil and military, and all others whom it may concern, are required to take notice, and to govern themselves accordingly.

Given under the seal of the United States in Congress assembled, witness his Excellency Elias Boudinot, our President in Congress, this eighteenth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America the eighth.¹

[Note 1: 1 The original of this proclamation, signed by Boudinot and Thomson and with seal affixed, is in the Papers of the Continental Congress, miscellaneous. The report, in the writing of James Duane, is in No. 24, folio 479. According to the indorsement, and the record in Committee Book No. 186, the report was read September 29, recommitted September 30, and reported again October 3. The proclamation was also entered in the manuscript Secret Journal, Foreign Affairs.]

**********

"The immediate consequence of strict gun control legislation would be to give the military and police a monopoly on arms and the power to determine which civilians may possess them. This would harm the interests of political and racial minorities, as well as women, for two reasons. First, such groups are subject to unusually high rates of violence in spite of the law enforcement efforts of the police. Although studies such as the Eisenhower Commission Firearms Task Force Report have claimed that armed civilian self-defense is ineffective against criminals, contrary evidence exists for believing that arming women and shopkeepers, for example, can dramatically reduce the incidence of rape and armed robbery. Second, the military and police sometimes will fully fail to provide protection to unpopular groups against politically or racially motivated violence. The salient illustration there is the behavior of southern state and local law enforcement officials during the height of the civil rights movement. Had blacks and civil rights workers not been armed, there might have been far greater bloodshed. In fact, it seems that it was the intended victims’ ability to defend themselves against the Ku Klux Klan and others that oftentimes provoked the police into doing their job."

- Leonard P. Liggio, Literature of Liberty: A Review of Contemporary Liberal Thought was published first by the Cato Institute (1978-1979).

**********

""They were reluctant to ratify the Constitution without further assurances, and thus we find in the Bill of Rights Amendments 2 and 3, specifically authorizing a decentralized militia, guaranteeing the right of the people to keep and bear arms, and prohibiting the quartering of troops in any house in time of peace without the consent of the owner. Other Amendments guarantee the right of the people to assemble, to be secure in their homes against unreasonable searches and seizures, and in criminal cases to be accorded a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury after indictment in the district and state wherein the crime was committed. The only exceptions made to these civilian trial procedures are for cases arising in the land and naval forces. Although there is undoubtedly room for argument based on the frequently conflicting sources of history, it is not unreasonable to believe that our Founders' determination to guarantee the preeminence of civil over military power was an important element that prompted adoption of the Constitutional Amendments we call the Bill of Rights.""

- Chief Justice Warren, (N. 5, supra, at 185.), U.S. Supreme Court, as quoted by Justice Douglas, with the concurrence of Justice Marshall, (in dissent), Laird v. Tatum, 408 U.S. 1 (1972). Decided June 26, 1972.

**********

"We are only as free, as we allow our enemy to be."

"It is very hard to break through the self-built brick wall in the liberal mind. Stone cold, or stark raving reality, are about the only cures that I'm aware of. Life, on life's terms is almost impossible for them to grasp...."

- EDQ, GunShowOnTheNet.com

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