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Journal of William Maclay, United States Senator from Pennsylvania, 1789-1791 CHAPTER I. ON TITLES AND CEREMONIES.
"May 1, (1790)...The unequivocal declaration that he would never have drawn his sword, etc., has drawn my mind to the following remarks: That the motives of the actors in the late Revolution were various can not be doubted. The abolishing of royalty, the extinguishment of patronage and dependencies attached to that form of government, were the exalted motives of many revolutionists, and these were the improvements meant by them to be made of the war which was forced on us by British aggression--in fine, the amelioration of government and bettering file condition of mankind. These ends and none other were publicly avowed, and all our constitutions and public acts were formed in this spirit. Yet there were not wanting a party whose motives were different. They wished for the loaves and fishes of government, and cared for nothing else but a translation of the diadem and scepter from London to Boston, New York, or Philadelphia; or, in other words, the creation of a new monarchy in America, and to form niches for themselves in the temple of royalty.
This spirit manifested itself strongly among the officers at the close of the war, and I have been afraid the army would not have been disbanded if the common soldiers could have been kept together. This spirit they developed in the Order of Cincinnati, where I trust it will spend itself in a harmless flame and soon become extinguished. That Mr. Adams should, however, so unequivocally avow this motive, at a time when a republican form of government is secured to every State in the Union, appears to me a mark of extreme folly.*
[Note *: "John Adams was included by Jefferson among the believers in monarchy."--Randall's Life of Jefferson, vol. i, p. 586.]
Journal of William Maclay, United States Senator from Pennsylvania, 1789-1791
CHAPTER VI. THE ASSUMPTION AND NATURALIZATION BILLS.
"March 9th. (1790)--In the Senate chamber this morning Butler said he heard a man say he would give Vining one thousand guineas for his vote, but added, "I question whether he would do so in fact." So do I, too, for he might get it for a tenth part of the sum. I do not know that pecuniary influence has actually been used, but I am certain that every other kind of management has been practiced and every tool at work that could be thought of. Officers of Government, clergy, citizens, [Order of] Cincinnati, and every person under the influence of the Treasury; Bland and Huger carried to the chamber of Representatives--the one lame, the other sick. Clymer stopped from going away, though he had leave, and at length they risked the question and carried it, thirty-one votes to twenty-six. And all this after having tampered with the members since the 22d of last month [February], and this only in committee, with many doubts that some will fly off and great fears that the North Carolina members will be in before a bill can be matured or a report gone through. Mr. Morris received a note signed J. C., communicating the news. He only said, "I am sorry it is by so small a majority." General Muhlenberg and Heister, of the Pennsylvania delegation, only, were in the negative."
The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution [Elliot's Debates, Volume 3]
Monday, June 9, 1788.
"...On this awful occasion, did you want a federal government? Did federal ideas possess your minds? Did federal ideas lead you to the most splendid victories? I must again repeat the favorite idea, that the genius of Virginia did, and will again, lead us to happiness. To obtain the most splendid prize, you did not consolidate. You accomplished the most glorious ends by the assistance of the genius of your country. Men were then taught by that genius, that they were fighting for what was most dear to them. View the most affectionate father, the most tender mother, operated on by liberty, nobly stimulating their sons--their dearest sons--sometimes their only son--to advance to the defence of their country. We have seen sons of Cincinnatus, without splendid magnificence or parade, going, with the genius of their great progenitor, Cincinnatus, to the plough; men who served their country without ruining it--men who had served it to the destruction of their private patrimonies--their country owing them amazing amounts, for the payment of which no adequate provision was then made. We have seen such men throw prostrate their arms at your feet. They did not call for those emoluments which ambition presents to some imaginations. The soldiers, who were able to command every thing, instead of trampling on those laws which they were instituted to defend, most strictly obeyed them. The hands of justice have not been laid on a single American soldier...."
- Patrick Henry
Letters of Delegates to Congress:Volume 23
Rufus King to Elbridge Gerry
Dr. Gerry 4. July [17]86.
In consequence of an order of congress, instead of a public Dinner a public levee was held from 12 to 3 OClock at the House of the president, at which were present the members of Congress, Officers of the Great Departments, Foreign Ministers &ca &c.(1) The Cincinnati are in the highest prosperity---;they celebrate the Day with a Splendor exceeding any thing within the practice of Government(2)---; of course draw the Huzzas and admiration of the Multitude. The Chapter of these Knights appointed a deputation of four members to present the anniversary congratulations to the president & members of Congress---;they attended the Levee, and I was witness to the degredation of Government in seeing them recd. &c &c.(3) Your's R King
RC (NHi: King Papers).
1 See Charles Thomson to John Jay, June 29.
2 In preparation for this display of ceremony, Maryland delegate Nathaniel Ramsey wrote the following brief note to former Connecticut brigadier general Samuel B. Webb.
"Colo. Ramsey presents his Compliments to General Webb and wishes to be informed whether the officers today will in general appear in their Uniform & with their side Arms. And, if so whether or no General Webb can with perfect conveniency accommodate Colo. Ramsey with a small Sword." Samuel B. Webb, Correspondence and Journals of Samuel Blachley Webb, ed. Worthington C. Ford, 3 vols. (New York: Wickersham Press, 1893--;94), 3:60.
3 The following account of the day's festivities appeared in the July 6 issue of Francis Child's New York Daily Advertiser.
"The morning was ushered in by ringing of bells and a discharge of cannon. At twelve o'Clock a grand procession of the City Watchmen, Marshalls of the City, Constables, Engineers of the several Companies of Firemen, Sheriff, Coroner and Sheriff's Deputies, City Clerk and Chamberlain, Assistants, Aldermen, Mayor and Recorder, Officers of the Chancery, Supreme Exchequer and Admiralty Courts, Councellors and Attornies at Law, Secretary of the State, Treasurer, Attorney-General, Auditor and Collector, Judges of the Admiralty and Probate Courts, Judges of the Supreme Court, Chancellor, Governor and Lieutenant Governor, Clergy, Officers of the late Army, and Citizens---;to the house of his Excellency the Governor---;and from thence to the house of his Excellency the President of Congress, where the compliments of the day were first paid to his Excellency by the Governor, and afterwards by his Worship the Mayor, in behalf of the Citizens of New York.
"From whence they returned to Corre's tavern, where a cold collation was provided by the Corporation. And the Day was closed by ringing of bells and firing of cannon.
"A large and respectable meeting of the CINCINNATI was held at Corre's tavern, in commemoration of the Day.
"The Hon. the Baron de Steuben was elected President; Hon. Philip Schuyler Vice-President, Philip Van Cortlandt Treasurer, Richard Platt Vice Treasurer, Robert Pemberton Secretary.
"An Oration suitable to the occasion was delivered by Cols. Hamilton and Walker, in presence of a number of Ladies and Gentlemen. The Society then dined together, and the following toasts, under a discharge of thirteen cannon, were drank:
"1. The United States in Congress, 2. His Most Christian Majesty, 3. United Netherlands, 4. The friendly Powers in Europe, 5. Government and State of New-York, 6. Our Brethren in the United States and in France, 7. The Glorious and Immortal Memory of all who have fallen in the defence of the Liberties of America. 8. May the Power of Congress be adequate to preserve the General Union, 9. The 17th October, 1777, 10. The 19th October, 1781, 11. The fair Friends of the Cincinnati, 12. Geo. Washington---;the President of the Society,* 13. THE DAY. *After this Toast, the following Song was sung."
The five verses of this song (to be sung to the tune of "The Dusky Night") followed.
Cincinnati[1]
By Alexander Hamilton
[The Works of Alexander Hamilton, ed. Henry Cabot Lodge (Federal Edition) (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904). In 12 vols. Vol. 8.]
New York,
July 6, 1786.
The committee to whom was referred the proceedings of the Society of the Cincinnati, at their last general meeting, beg leave to report, that they have attentively considered the alterations proposed at the meeting to be made in the original Constitution of that Society; and, though they highly approve the motives which dictated those alterations, they are of opinion it would be inexpedient to adopt them, and this chiefly on the two following accounts:
“First.—Because the institution, as proposed to be altered, would contain in itself no certain provision for the continuance of the Society, beyond the lives of the present members; this point being left to the regulation of charters, which may never be obtained, and which, in the opinion of this committee, so far as affects this object, ought never to be granted, since the dangers apprehended from the institution could then only cease to be imaginary, when it should receive the sanction of a legal establishment. The utmost the Society ought to wish or ask from the several legislatures is, to enable it to appoint trustees to hold its property, for the charitable purposes to which it is destined.”
“Second.—Because by a fundamental article it obliges the Society of each State to lend its funds to the State; a provision which would be improper, for two reasons: one, that in many cases the Society might be able to dispose of its funds to a much greater advantage; the other, that the State might not always choose to borrow from the Society.”
But while the committee entertained this opinion with respect to the proposed alterations, they are, at the same time, equally of opinion, that some alterations in the original Constitution will be proper, as well in deference to the sense of many of our fellow citizens, as in conformity to the true spirit of the institution itself. The alterations they have in view respect principally the duration or succession of the Society, and the distinction between honorary and regular members. As to the first, the provision intended to be made appears to them to be expressed in terms not sufficiently explicit; and, as far as it may intend, an hereditary succession by right of primogeniture, is liable to this objection—that it refers to birth what ought to belong to merit only: a principle inconsistent with the genius of the Society founded on friendship and patriotism. As to the second, the distinction holds up an odious difference between men who have served their country in one way, and those who have served it in another, and improper in a Society where the character of patriot ought to be an equal title to all its members.
The committee, however, decline proposing any specific substitute for the parts of the original constitution which appear to them exceptionable; as they are of opinion any alterations necessary to be made can only be digested in a general meeting of the Society, specially authorized to agree upon and finally establish those alterations. With a view to this, they beg leave to recommend that a circularletter be written from the Society to the different State Societies, suggesting the expediency of instructing and empowering their delegates at the next general meeting, to concur in such alterations as may appear to that meeting proper, after a full communication of what shall be found to be the sense of the several Societies.
[1] The Society of the Cincinnati, founded in 1783, by the Revolutionary officers, excited a great deal of foolish hostility on account of what were considered its perilous aristocratic military and hereditary features. Prejudice was so strong that modifications were considered necessary, and were finally made in accordance with the advice of Washington, President of the Society. The main alterations were made in 1784, at the first general meeting, but the question continued to be mooted for some years, and was kept active by the formation of the State Societies, and it was in this connection that the above report was written.
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.
Mount Vernon, September 7, 1785.
My dear Count: Since I had the honor to address you last, I have been favored with your letters of the 9th. of Septr. and 24th. of Feby. The first enclosing a list of the New promotions, and additional members of the Society of the Cincinnati as consented by the King; for which I thank you, as it will enable me to give answers to those Gentlemen who, unacquainted I presume, with his Majesty's pleasure, are still offering to me their pretensions to be admitted into this Order.
Every occasion that assures me of your health, encreases my happiness, as I have a sincere respect, and an affectionate regard for you. My time now, as the Marquis de la Fayette has informed you, is spent in rural employments, and in contemplation of those friendships which the revolution enabled me to form with so many worthy characters of your Nation, through whose assistance I can now sit down in my calm retreat; and under my own Vine, and my own fig tree, enjoy those pleasures which are rarely to be found in the more active pursuits of life, on a larger theatre.
I hope the storms which rumbled about you all the Winter, and wch. seemed to portend so much mischief, are dispersed; and that a tranquil sky has succeeded. Although it is against the profession of Arms, I wish to see all the World in Peace. How long this blessing may be dispensed to us, I know not, the British still hold the Posts upon the Lakes, within the Territory of the United States; and discover no inclination (that has come to my knowledge) of giving them up. With respect to the Spaniards, I do not think the Navigation of the Mississippi is an object of great importance at present, when it becomes so, when the Banks of the Ohio are thick settled, and when the fertile plains of that Western Country are covered with people they will not be deprived of natural advantages.
I am very thankful for the polite attentions of Madame de Rochambeau, to whom I pray you to present my best respects, and to any of our worthy compatriots in the late War. Mrs. Washington, sensible of your kind remembrance of her, begs you to accept her Compliments. With sincere friendship and perfect attachment I am etc.
I take the liberty of putting the enclosed letter under your cover as it contains original papers wch. might be a loss to Captn. de Pusignan.37
[Note 37: From the original in the Rochambeau Papers.]
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Thomas Jefferson concerning the Cincinnati:
The Modern English Collection at the University of Virginia Electronic Text Center
When the army was about to be disbanded, and the officers to take final leave, perhaps never again to meet, it was natural for men who had accompanied each other through so many scenes of hardship, of difficulty, and danger, who, in a variety of instances, must have been rendered mutually dear by those aids and good offices to which their situations had given occasion; it was natural, I say, for these to seize with fondness any proposition which promised to bring them together again at certain and regular periods. And this, I take for granted, was the origin and object of this institution; and I have no suspicion that they foresaw, much less in
To General Washington.
< A. April. 1784 >
The objections of those who are opposed to the institution shall be briefly sketched. They urge that it is against the Confederation -- against the letter of some of our constitutions, against the spirit of all of them -- that the foundation on which all these are built is the natural equality of man, the denial of every preeminence but that annexed to legal office, and, particularly, the denial of preeminence by birth; that, however, in their present dispositions, citizens might decline accepting honorary instalments into the order, a time may come, when a change of dispositions would render these flattering, when a well-directed distribution of them might draw into the order all the men of talents, of office and wealth, and, in this case, would probably procure an ingraftment into the government; that in this, they will be supported by their foreign members, and the wishes and influence of foreign courts; that experience has shown that the hereditary branches of modern governments are the patrons of privilege and prerogative, and not of the natural rights of the people, whose oppressors they generally are; that, besides these evils, which are remote, others may take place more immediately; that a distinction is kept up between the civil and military, which it is for the happiness of both to obliterate; that when the members assemble they will be proposing to do something, and what that something May be, will depend on actual circumstances; that being an organized body under habits of subordination, the first obstructions to enterprise will be already surmounted; that the moderation and virtue of a single character have probably prevented this Revolution from being closed, as most others have been, by a subversion of that liberty it was intended to establish; that he is not immortal, and his successor, or some of his successors, may be led
What are the sentiments of Congress on this subject, and what line they will pursue, can only be stated conjecturally. Congress, as a body, if left to themselves, will, in my opinion, say nothing on the subject. They may, however, be forced into a declaration by instructions from some of the States, or by other incidents. Their sentiments, if forced from them, will be unfriendly to the institution. If permitted to pursue their own path, they will check it by side-blows whenever it comes in their way, and in competitions for office, on equal or nearly equal ground, will give silent preference to those who are not of the fraternity. My reasons for thinking this are, 1. The grounds on which they lately declined the foreign order proposed to be conferred on some of our citizens. 2. The fourth of the fundamental articles of constitution for the new States, [ * * *] 3. Private conversations on this subject with the members. [ * * *] I have taken occasion to extend these, not, indeed, to the military members, because, being of the order, delicacy forbade it, but to the others pretty generally; and among these, I have as yet found but one who is not opposed to the institution. --
To General Washington.
< A. April. 1784 >
What has heretofore passed between us on this institution, makes it my duty to mention to you that I have never heard a person in Europe, learned or unlearned, express his thoughts on this institution, who did not consider it as dishonorable and destructive to our governments; and that every writing which has come out since my arrival here [ Paris] in which it is mentioned, considers it, even as now reformed, as the germ whose development is one day to destroy the fabric we have reared. I did not apprehend this while I had American ideas only. But I confess that what I have seen in Europe has brought me over to that opinion; and that though the day may be at some distance, beyond the reach of our lives, perhaps, yet it will certainly come, when a single fibre left of this institution will produce an hereditary aristocracy, which will change the form of our governments from the best to the worst in the world. To know the mass of evil which flows from this fatal source, a person must be in France. He must see the finest soil, the finest climate, the most compact State, the most benevolent character of people, and every earthly advantage combined, insufficient to prevent this scourge from rendering existence a curse to twenty-four out of twenty-five parts of the inhabitants of this country. With us, the branches of this institution cover all the States. The southern ones at this time are aristocratical in their disposition; and that that spirit should grow and extend itself, is within the natural order of things. I do not flatter myself with the im
To General Washington.
< P. Nov. 1786 >
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The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.
George Washington to Charles Hector, Comte d'Estaing,
Philadelphia, May 15, 1784.
Sir: Any token of regard of whatever intrinsic worth in itself, coming from the Count D'Estaing, must [be] stamped with dignity and respect; but when attended with the esteem and regards of all the Sailors of your Nation, the companions of your honorable Toils in America, is not only agreeably acceptable, it becomes absolutely inestimable. As such I receive the American Eagle,28 which your Excellency has been pleased to present me in the name of all the Sailors of the French Nation. And at the same time that I acknowledge myself hereby inexpressibly honored by that most respectable Body of men. I beg you to assure them in my name of the very high estimation in which I shall ever hold this particular mark of their regard and attention.
[Note 28: This was the diamond eagle of the Society of the Cincinnati. D'Estaing's letter of presentation (Feb. 26, 1784) is in the Washington Papers. For an illuminating letter respecting the diamond eagle see D'Estaing's letter to La Luzerne (Feb. 18, 1784), printed in "Contenson," La Société des Cincinnati de France (Paris: 1934), p. 88.]
To the Navy of France sir, this Country will hold itself deeply indebted: its assistance has rendered practicable those enterprizes, which without it could not with any probability of success, have been attempted. I feel myself happy in this opportunity thro' your Excellency's favour, of paying to the Officers and sailors of His Most Christian Majesty, this tribute of grateful acknowledgment, which I beg you sir to be so obliging as to convey to them, and at the same time to assure yourself of possessing in my breast, every sentimt. of inviolable attachment and respect, with which your character has impressed my mind. I have the honor, etc.29
[Note 29: From the "Letter Book" copy in the Washington Papers.]
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Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 21
Dr. Sir,
Philadelphia
Decr. 3d. 1783.
The late President of this State, Joseph Reed Esqr. who is bound to London and intends to make the tour of Holland and France, a few days ago honoured me with a visit, and with an offer to convey a letter to you. Although I had lately written by Capt. John Paul Jones,(1) and have now nothing material to communicate to you; yet that friendship I have ever entertained for you constrains me again to take up my pen.
I have heard nothing from Cambridge since I wrote to you by Capt. Jones. The family I now repeat was then well. Mrs. Dana (2) had for some time pleased herself with the fond hope of seeing you this fall; but her expectation, as she wrote me, was frustrated; and on that account, on account of her not receiving that part of your salary which you had appropriated to the support of the family, and because your Sister was determined to be married this fall she was much distressed.
Agreeably to her request I have inquired of the Register of the public accounts what warrants had issued for your salary, and find that your account has been settled up to the 30th of Sept. last; and that a warrant for the last 6 months, ending the 30th of Sept., and amounting to 2,222 20/90 dollars, had been forwarded to Mr. N. Tracey. I communicated this information to her in a letter full of consolation. The warrant could not, I think, have reached Mr. Tracey when Mrs. Dana's letter was dated; and I am sure he is a gentleman of too much honour not to comply with your direction as soon as the warrant shall have been paid.
In making this inquiry I took such steps as should exclude the most distant idea of a suspicion of any impropriety in his conduct; and I ventured to give her a hint to act cautiously on her part.
Mr. Thaxter arrived here, via N. York, with the long-expected definitive treaty, last Saturday week. I have seen him and had the pleasure of being informed that, not long before he left Paris, which I think was the 26th or 29th of Sept., he had heard of your welfare. The difficulties which have attended your mission are before this time, I presume, removed, and you have been acknowledged in your public character. This may occasion your continuing at the Court of St. Petersburg this winter; but will not I hope prevent your returning next Summer.
It seems to be the opinion of Congress not to employ hereafter more than two ministers abroad, one at the Court of Versailles and the other at the Court of London. Mr. Jay is talked of for the first and Mr. Adams for the last; but I cannot say with certainty who will be appointed. At some other Courts we may have residents, or agents, or consuls. Our finances will not admit of maintaining many ministers abroad; and if they would perhaps they might do as much hurt as good. As soon as a minister shall be appointed for the court of London, we may expect one from thence; and then we shall doubtless have an abundance of pretious intriguing. We shall not I imagine soon forget the favours we have received from our great and good ally; but interest you know governs the world.
The order of the British King in Council prohibiting any trade to the B. W. Indias but in B. bottoms, has created great uneasiness; and it seems that our trade to the F. W. Indias is restrained. That nation which discovers the most favorable disposition toward our commerce will probably be most regarded by us. Whether the Dutch will copy after the French & British and not permit a trade to their ports on the continent of America & to St. Eustatius is uncertain; but it is my opinion that they will avail themselves of the blunders of others, and give us a free trade.
Good policy dictates that we should form commercial treaties with all commercial States, where reciprocity can be obtained, and I suppose will be pursued. I am not sufficiently acquainted with the advantages that might result from a trade with Russia, to determin whether we ought to court it or not; but certainly the more channels the stream of our commerce runs in the greater will be the prospect of gain, the less will be the danger of our being injured by any partial obstructions, and the more may that spirit of enterprize be gratified which springs from and is favorable to liberty. The thirteen stripes will in the course of a year, fly on the coasts of China, and hereafter be displayed wherever Seas shall roll to waft our ships.
If the U. S. in Congress assembled should recommend to the several States to lay heavy imposts upon goods imported from and exported to the B. W. Indias, in B. bottoms, it might perhaps bring Britain to reason; but commerce you know is a coy dame that must be handled delicately.
The present system of finance is founded intirely upon the recommendation for an impost. This State and the State of Massachusetts have complied with it fully; some others partially and some have not as yet taken the recommendation into their consideration. The State of R. Island &c will be the last that adopts it. She knows that it will be against her particular interest to collect monies on her trade not to be appropriated to the payment of her quota of the public debt, and she conceives that committing her purse strings to the hands of Congress may prove dangerous to her liberty.
You may have seen Genl. Washington's farewell letter to the States,(3) which somebody, in a Pennsylvania paper confidently pronounced was dictated by the immediate Spirit of God. That letter aided by a letter from Mr. Adams to Congress, part of which have been transmitted to the States,(4) induced, as I believe, the State of Massachusetts to embrace the impost.
Mr. Adams urged the necessity of establishing public credit, of commercial regulations, and of bracing up the confOEderation. The confOEderation without doubt ought to be preserved in full vigour. There is not the least danger that its strings will be relaxed; but a bold hand might, in attempting to serve them up to the highest pitch, snap them, and then where should we be? All harmony would be at an end.
There are some among us who are desirous of augmenting the powers of Congress, and the State of N. York sometime ago proposed a convention of the States to form a new confederation.(5) Part of the last article of ConfOEderation runs in these words. "And the articles of this confOEderation shall be inviolably observed by every State and the union shall be perpetual." Is it not somewhat surprizing that in so short a space of time, as hath intervened between the ratification of confOEderation and the present moment, it should appear to be so insufficient as that a new one should be thought necessary.
A fondness for power is natural to man, and property and dominion are closely connected. I could say much on this subject but Cynthia vellet aurim; and verbum sapienti satest.(6)
It seems that some of our ministers at Paris do not perfectly agree. One writing of another says, that he is always a honest man, often a wise man, but sometimes absolutely out of his senses. It is very clever to be always honest, and often wise; and some slight errors in such a character might be over-looked, or pardoned; but certainly a minister should never be absolutely out of his senses. One of the greatest ministers in the world was as I remember charged with insanity. There are some sublime strokes in politicks which to some men appear to be mad and extravagant; and there are some philosophers, who, if they could bear a rival in the chair, cannot bear to be outstripped in any science. Mr. Adams is I think a great politician. The happy coincidence in opinion of two of our plenipo's hath produced the most beneficial effects; and the names of ______ and ______ will go down to posterity with honour. It may have been well for you that you have not had an associate; perhaps, if you had, you might not have jumped in judgement, and then some evil might have been spoken of you. I have heard many men of sense speak well of your conduct of the correspondence with the Chancellor of Russia, and I have never heard you blamed but for your patiences. It is confessedly impossible to form a right judgment of the conduct of a public man at a distance; and yet some men will assume to pass a judgment upon it too peremptorily. A certain late Secretary for foreign affairs, was prettily chastised by certain ministers for certain reprobatory hints.(7) Courts are schools to learn patience in; and you & Mr. Jay I think have not proved bad scholars.
Mr. Jay has leave to go to Bath for his health. Dr. Franklin hath offer'd a resignation of his office on account of his old age. I suppose it will be accepted soon after Congress shall have met at Annapolis in Maryland, the place to which Congress is adjourned. I wrote you, I believe, in my letter by Capt. Jones, that Congress had resolved upon two places of permanent residence, one on the banks of Potowmack near George Town in Maryland, the other on the banks of Delaware near Trenton. How the idea of two fOEderal towns, as they are called in the resolution, will strike you, will strike Europe I cannot tell. The wits of this city have diverted themselves exceedingly with this measure. Any thing, even the most serious things may be ridiculed, especially when wits are sharpend by disappointment. The Eastern States came into this plan, to accommodate the Southern Gentlemen, and to avoid being whirled into the vortex of Philadelphia as the cant expression goes. Whether we shall have any permanent place of residence or not is uncertain; but I do not see at present the absurdity of Congress sitting at two or three places alternately. It would be attended with some inconveniences; but it might be attended with ballancing advantages.
There has been much talk about the jurisdiction that Congress should exercise in the place or places where it may reside; but nothing has been determined.(8) I don't know that the assembly of the States, of the United Netherlands, or of the Swiss cantons, hath any jurisdiction over the towns where it resides.
A peace or rather a military establishment hath been long on the tapis. I believe it will not be speedily agreed to. It involves an important question, to wit, whether Congress are invested with power by the confOEderation to erect a military establishment in a time of peace. Some hold the affirmative of this question, others on the same side fearful of confOEderation ground pass over it and talk of certain implied, inherent powers which they say reside in every supreme power.
It may be necessary to maintain some temporary posts to secure the lands, become dependent on the States by the peace and by cessions of the States of N. York & Virginia, from intruders and to check the Indians, but from a standing army in time of peace Good Lord deliver us. Congress have accepted the cession of Virginia with some alterations, which, it is imagined, will be acceded to. Presuming on this and on a purchase of the Indian right Congress have agreed to lay out a State, to be disposed of to the officers and soldiers of the army in payment of the debt due to them. A treaty is to be held with the Indians for the purposes of making peace with them, and a purchase of their right to the soil.
It is said by good judges that the tract acquired as aforesaid comprehends five hundred thousand square miles; and some men who are acquainted with that country assert that the value of it is sufficient to discharge our whole public debt. If this be true there can be no necessity for the proposed impost.
The settlement of public accounts proceeds very slowly. Some think that obstructions are suffer'd or thrown in the way to force down the Impost. Our affairs are in an unsettled state; but if the confOEderation is adhered to, and hath a fair and full operation I trust all will come out right.
Eastern politics are still republican, the Southern it is said verge towards Aristocrasy.
As you may not have heard of an institution which probably may make some noise in the U. States, I shall take leave to introduce to you The Society of the Cincinnati lately instituted by the M. Genls. and the Br. Genls. and other Offrs. of the American army.
They have a Genl. Society and a State Society established in each State, and these again subdivided into such districts, as shall be directed by the State societies. The Genl. meeting of the Society is to consist of its officers, and a representation from each State in number not exceeding five. They have a badge of honour or what they call an order by which its members shall be known and distinguished. It is a medal of Gold in the figure of an eagle with an inscription on the face & reverse alluding to the time of establishing the order, and to their having saved the republic. It is to be suspended by a deep blue ribbon two inches wide edged with white descriptive of the Union between America & France. They have conferred the honour & freedom of their order on several foreigners. Genl. Washington is president of the Society.
By their circular letter it is nothing more than an "Association, Constitution and combination of the Generals & other officers of the army who have served three years or were deranged by Congress into a Society of friends to perpetuate the memory of the Revolution, and their own mutual friendship, to endure as long as they shall endure, or any of their eldest male posterity: and in failure thereof, the collateral branches who may be judged worthy of becoming its supporters & members: To attend incessantly to preserve inviolate the exalted rights and liberties of human nature; for which they fought and bled; To promote & cherish between the respective States union and national honour: To render permanent, cordial affection and the spirit of brotherly kindness among the officers: To extend acts of benificence towards those officers and their families who may unfortunately be under the necessity of receiving it." They advance each a month's pay, and open a door for donations from others not of the Society, and for the charitable purpose of raising a fund as well as for the political one of engaging the leading men of each State in the interests of the order, they have the following rule: "And as there will at all times be men in the respective States eminent for their abilities and patriotism, whose views may be directed to the same laudable objects with those of the Cincinnati; it shall be a rule to admit such characters as honorary members of the Society for their own lives only: Provided that the number of the honorary members does not exceed a ratio of one to four of the officers and their descendents."
The quotations I have made are the words of the Genl. Association so that it seems to be the offspring of patriotism, friendship, and humanity.
This account of the Cincinnati is taken from a peice signed Cassius and supposed to be written by Ædanus Burke Esqr. one of the chief justices of the State of So. Carolina, intitled "Considerations on the Society or Order of Cincinnati; lately instituted by the Major Generals, Brigadier-Generals, and other officers of the American Army. Proving that it creates a race of hereditary Patricians or Nobility. Interspersed with remarks on its consequences to the freedom and happiness of the Republic. Addressed to the People of South Carolina, and their Representatives."(9) The motto is "blow ye the trumpet in Zion." Cassius is mistaken in calling Major General Baron Steuben President; Genl. Washington I am well informed is at the head of this Society, and therefore I have so far alterd his account. The President of this State John Dickinson Esqr. and the Super-intendant of finance are honorary members.
This peice is keenly written, and I believe that the blast of Cassius's trumpet will alarm the continent.(10) He says "it is in reality and will turn out to be an hereditary peerage; a nobility to them and their male issue, and in default thereof to the collateral branches: what the lawyers would call--A title of peerage of Cincinnati to them and their heirs male, remainder to their heirs general." That "the order of Cincinnati usurp a nobility without gift or grant, in defiance of Congress and the States." That "the order is self created and an infringement of the general law of the union." That this order is planted in a fiery, hot ambition and thirst of power; and its branches will end in tyranny." That "The Cincinnati will soon be corrupted and the spirit of the people depressed; for in less than a century it will occasion such an inequality in the condition of our inhabitants, that the country will be composed only of two ranks of men the patricians or nobles, and the rabble." He says "I have the honour to tell Baron Steuben, that though an order of peerage may do very well under the petty princes of Germany; yet in America it is incompatible with our freedom; and instead of a bond of political union, it would on a future day prove a source of civil dissension and misery: by establishing two distinct orders, one whose foundation is the Army; the other composed of the Commonalty. With what propriety can they denominate themselves from Cincinnatus with an ambition so rank as to aim at nothing less, than otium cum digni dignitate 'retirement and a peerage': Did that virtuous Roman, having subdued the enemies of his country and returned home to tend his vineyard and plant cabbages, did he confer an hereditary order of peerage on himself and his fellow soldiers? I answer, No; it was more than he dared to do. For a less crime, that republic, in the days of its liberty, put to death, banished or disgraced some of her citizens; as illustrious and renowned as any we have without exception." He observes "that military commanders, acquiring fame, and accustomed to receive the obedience of armies, are generally in their hearts aristocratics, and enemies to the popular equality of the republic." "The number of the peers of the order reckoning honorary members cannot be far short of ten thousand: and as they will be the principal men in America, to suppose that each can, by his influence, procure two or three followers who will adhere to his interest and service, is a reasonable calculation. Here is a body of 20 or 30,000 men immediately; and every generation will be adding to the number." I am tired with making extracts. I would send you the pamphlet if I knew it would not subject you to a heavy postage. To crush this order he proposes that "the legislature should immediately enter into spirited resolutions against it: let them tell the order, and the world, that however pious or patriotick in the pretence, yet any political combination of military commanders is, in a republican government extremely hazardous and highly censurable. But that instituting exclusive honours and privileges of an Hereditary order, is a daring usurpation on the sovereignty of the republic: a dangerous insult to the rights and liberties of the people, and a fatal stab to that principle of equality, which forms the basis of our government; to establish which the people fought and bled as well as the Cincinnati; though the latter are now taking every measure to rob them of the credit and fruits of it. If this would not do, and the order still go on yet such a resolve would have a good effect." Cassius has not taken particular notice of the magnitude of the fund which a month's pay of each officer in the Cincinnati, with donations, would create in a short space of time.
I recollect that when we are [were] at York Town, and about the time the affair of half pay was on the carpet, to have seen a manuscript in the hand of Secretary Thompson, said to have come from camp, in which it was proposed that titles of nobility should be given to our principal officers.(11) Some months ago a polite letter from the Seretary of the Order of Divine Providence, lately instituted in Poland, came to Congress, through the hands of Genl Washington, complimenting Congress with the nomination of 24 members of that order. The letter was referred to a Committee, of which I was one, and they reported, in substance, that any such nomination would be against confOEderation.(12) Business of more importance had prevented the report being considered before Congress adjourned.
The half pay and the commutation of it for five years whole pay is very disagreable to the Eastern States; and hath caused great disturbances, especially in Connecticut. Their lower house of Assembly would not agree to the recommendation for an impost, without a clause in their act providing that no part of the money collected by the Impost should go towards a payment of the Commutation. The council were for it in toto and without alteration. This gave such dissatisfaction to the freemen that the Govr., Dep. Govr., and several of the Council are left out of the nomination for the next election.
Since writing the foregoing I have received a letter from Mr. Channing,(13) dated Novr. 9th. 1783 in which he says "Nancy has returned from Cambridge and Almy has taken her place. The judge she informs me enjoys a tolerable state of health considering his old age; but he is now confining himself on account of the Measles. Lydia and Capt. Hastings are to be made one the morrow evening, they were published before Nancy left Cambridge. Mrs. Dana, her children and Trowbridge were well."
I am here in my way to Annapolis. I left home the beginning of last June and expect to continue in Congress until the next June, the business of Mr. Marchant, who was to relieve me, not permitting him to come on. Give me leave to expect the pleasure of a letter from you. I thing [think] this long epistle will entitle me to that favour, unless you should be about returning home when you receive this. That a kind Providence may preserve and protect you, and return you in health to your family and friends is the fervent prayer of your affectionate friend. William Ellery
P.S. To sweeten Philadelphia as well as because they had a right to it General Mifflin was unanimously chosen President for the present year. Your Newport friends are all well. Mrs. Channing, Lucy, had been long indisposed; but a journey she took to Cambridge last fall hath cured her. My wife goes on fulfilling and fullfilling the original command. I expect daily to hear of her safe delivery.(14)
RC (MHi: John Adams Papers).
1 Not found.
2 That is, Ellery's daughter Elizabeth Ellery Dana.
3 See Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 26:483-96.
4 That is, John Adams' July 18 letter to Robert R. Livingston, for which see Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 6:561-62; and JCC, 25:628-30.
5 See Ezra L'Hommedieu to George Clinton, September 11, 1782, note 2.
6 Ellery is quoting Virgil--that Diana [the Cynthian] "plucked my ear" to warn me--and the old proverb that a word to the wise is sufficient. Virgil Eclogues 6.3.
7 Apparently a reference to concerns expressed by John Adams and John Jay over Robert R. Livingston's pro-French proclivities, for which see George Dangerfield, Chancellor Robert R. Livingston of New York, 1746-1813 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1960), pp. 170-71.
8 See David Howell to Nicholas Brown, September 25, note 6; and Thomas Jefferson's second set of draft resolutions under the date November ? 1783.
9 For this pamphlet, see Evans, Am. Bibliography, nos. 17,862-66.
10 For a survey of the opposition stirred up by Burke's attack on the Society of the Cincinnati, see Minor Myers, Jr., Liberty without Anarchy. A History of the Society of the Cincinnati (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1983), pp. 49-55.
11 For a more recent incident illustrating the hostility with which Ellery and Thomson viewed one another, see Charles Thomson to Hannah Thomson, September 18, 1783, note 5.
12 See David Howell to William Greene, September 9, 1783, note 3.
13 That is, William Channing, the attorney general of Rhode Island, who had married Ellery's daughter Lucy. William M. Fowler, William Ellery: a Rhode Island Politico and Lord of Admiralty (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1973), p. 178.
14 Mehitabel Redwood Ellery, apparently the seventh or eighth of Ellery's ten children by his second wife Abigail Carey, was born January 4, 1784. Ibid., pp. 11, 129; and Harrison Ellery, Pedigree of Ellery of the United States (Boston: 1881), p. 1.
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Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 20
David Howell to William Greene
Dear Sir,
Princeton
Sept. [9?] 1783.(1)
No Letters have been received from abroad since my last to Gov. Bowen(2) excepting a Letter laid before Congress by Genl. Washington from Chev. Jean de Heintz, Secry of the Order of Divine Providence in Poland. This appears to be an order of dignity in Europe; tho of modern Institution. It consists of three Classes. 1st Chevaliers grand croix. 2d Chevaliers Commandeurs. 3d Chevaliers petit croix. The expences of Initiation are for the first 110 Ducats: for the second 55 Ducats: for the 3d 30 Ducats. "The knights of this order, says the Letter, sensibly touched with the visible & efficacious interposition of Divine Providence in protecting the 13 States of North America & in giving them the force necessary to resist tyranny & to establish Liberty, the rights of man & of nature" have thought proper to address themselves to the Hero of the age--praying him to lay before Congress the following proposal. That Congress should name 12 of the most worthy for each of the three classes of the order--in all 36, To be created, Knights of the order of Divine Providence.(3)
Congress have not acted upon this matter yet. On perusing the Confederation, you will judge for yourself how far a compliance, even so far as to nominate, or recommend persons to this knighthood would be an infraction thereof.
By direction of Congress Gen. Washington is now in attendance at this place. An House is taken for him at Rocky Hill about 41/2 miles off. He has had an Audience with Congress, for the particular Etiquette whereof I must refer you to my last Letter to my worthy friend Dr. Arnold.(4) The public papers will give you our address & his reply. He was sent for to be consulted on the arrangements necessary for a time of peace. Some hints on which policy you will also observe in Dr. Arnolds Letter aforsd. In consequence of a polite card from his Excellency the General to his Excellency the President--The latter, with all the present members, Chaplains & great officers of Congress had the Honor of dining at the Generals Table last Friday. The Tables were spread under a Marquis, or tent taken from the British. The repast was elegant--but the Generals Company crowned the whole. As I had the fortune to be seated facing the General; I had the pleasure of hearing all his Conversation. The President of Congress was seated on his right & the minister of France on his left.
I observed with much pleasure that the Generals front was uncommonly open & pleasant--the contracted, pensive Air betokening deep thought & much care, which I noticed on Prospect Hill in 1775 is done away: & a pleasant smile sparkling vivacity of wit & humour succeeds. It will please you to hear the following which occur out of many. On the president observing that in the present Situation of our affairs he believed that Mr. Morris had his hands full, The General replied at the same Instant--"He wished he had his Pockets full too." On Mr. Peters (from Pennsylvania) observing that the man who made those cups (for we drank wine out of silver cups) was turned a Quaker preacher--The General replied that "He wished he had been a Quaker preacher before he had made the cups." You must also have the French Ministers remark on the Generals Humour--"You 'tink de penitence wou'd have been good for de cups."
Congress have ordered an Equestrian Statue of General Washington to be erected at the place where they may establish their permanent residence. No honor short of those, which the Deity vindicates to himself, can be too great for Gen. Washington.
Little business has been done since my arrival here owing to an incomplete representation. It is not expected that much will be done before a new Congress shall meet in November next. Congress will, I believe spend the winter here, or at Annapolis. I think they have bid a final farewell to Philadelphia. Tho' no art, or exertion will be left untried by Philadelphia to draw us back.
I have been hammering, out doors, on the Subject of the Western territory--hope in a few days a step will be taken by proclamation,(5) &c. as hinted in my last Letter to Gov. Bowen. Quere--Should Congress agree to establish their residence for 15 years at or near Fort Pitt, would it not raise our back lands so high as to buy up nearly all our domestic Securities? The back Country is settling with amazing rapidity. It is told me by a person of information that Mr M.(6) is at the head of the two great Companies of land-jobbers, Viz. the Indiana, & Vandalia. You may remember some strokes in certain letters written to the State--as well as that in Mr. P.(7) I have transmitted to Mr. Thomson all the information I have been able to obtain about the mode in which the public accounts are to be settled; as well as on the Subject of what will be proper charges. A Committee have the Subject under consideration. Their report shall be sent in due time. I fear sufficient attention is not paid to the Settlement of accounts & other practicable means of giving ease & satisfaction to the Creditors of the public. A curt reply on this head with some Gentlemen is--It is of more importance to obtain funds to pay them when settled. Everything is calculated to alarm the public creditors, & to enlist them in favour of the late revenue recommendations.
The Subject of the old money was resumed last Friday, after debating it a whole day nothing was done. It will be resumed tomorrow.(8) The enclosed account will inform you how much has been paid by each State--and how much they are respectively deficient.(9) The Delegates from Massachusetts (who, by the by, are good men & honest republicans & with us in all measures) assure us that there are in that State now no less than about 47 millions of old money; & you will see that they have paid in their Quota.
I cannot pretend to foretell what will be done; but I have not the disposition of many on this head. You will see that the Southern States have been delinquent; & I fear are too much disposed to punish us for doing our duty. How much, think you, have we of the old emissions?
With the most perfect Consideration, I am, dear Sir, your Friend, & hble Servt. David Howell
P.S. I hope Cozen Jimmy will write me whether he will be a Knight of 110--55--or 30 Ducats?
RC (R-Ar: Letters to Governors).
1 Although Howell omitted the day from this dateline, the contents of the letter indicate it was probably written on September 9.
2 Not found.
3 This proposal had been laid before Congress with an August 28 letter from General Washington enclosing one to him from the chevalier Jean de Heintz, dated Warsaw, May 13, 1783. The chevalier's letter, with a small pamphlet on the "L'Ordre Institute de Honeur de la Providence Divine," was referred to a committee on August 29 which reported on September 11, but Congress did not take up the matter until January 5, 1784. At that time it was resolved "that Congress cannot, consistently with the principles of the Confederation, accept of their obliging proposal ['to nominate suitable persons to be created Knights of the Order of Divine Providence']." See JCC, 25:528n.3, 26:7; PCC, item 152, 11:439-48; and Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick), 27:119-20.
4 Not found, but see Howell to Thomas Hazard, August 26, note 5.
5 See Rhode Island Delegates to Greene, September 8, note 11.
6 Robert Morris.
7 Not identified.
8 See JCC, 25:536-37, 541-45.
9 Apparently the "Account of Payments made by the States to the Receivers" on their 1782 quotas, "until the first day of July last," which Robert Morris submitted with an August 1, 1783, letter to Congress that is in PCC, item 137, 2:751-61. As Rhode Island had paid $49,764 on its quota of $216,684, its rate of payment exceeded that of every state but South Carolina. Ibid., fols. 757, 761.
Elbridge Gerry to Samuel R. Gerry
Dear Comr. Princetown 11th Sepr 1783
I am favoured with yours of the 24th of August, & have a Moment to reply. I am happy to hear of the Welfare of all Friends, except little Tomboy; & at this Distance cannot advise to any Measures for recovery of his Health, exempting an Abstinence from Meat in general & Butter, & from all Medicine except Flower of Brimstone; & that he use freely puddings, vegetables, & light Soups with whey.
I observe that Colo Lee offers half of the Town Wharf on the Terms he purchased--pray give my Complemts to him & inform him I shall probably take it on my Return.
[...](1) nearly loaded & will sail [...] Boston--or for New York [...] made for his Vessel & Cargo. [...] net & Montagu are sold [...] the Cost, as they could not be [....]
I observe Briles is arrived--the sooner You sell his Flower the better.
Desire Colo J. Gerry to supply You with 5 or 6 Cord of Wood on the Receipt of this Letter, which is a sufficient order.
I am happy to hear of the great Success in the Fishery, & wish to be relieved from publick Cares, to search for domestic Happiness; but all Things are not yet right, that relate to the Revolution.
The definitive Treaty was not yet negotiated by the last Account from Europe; but the Evacuation of N York, cannot I think be long delayed.
Deliver the inclosed Letter to Mrs Gerry & with my Love to Betsy & Tomboy, & Regards to all Friends be assured....(2)
RC (MHi: Gerry Collection). In the hand of Elbridge Gerry.
1 RC damaged, 3 to 5 words missing from each of 6 lines.
2 Closing and signature clipped.
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"...The Members of the Society of the Cincinnati who were in Town waited upon the President on Thursday, and by his Permission were introduced by Col. Olney, who verbally addressed him to the following Purport:
""SIR,
""I have the Honour to wait upon your Excellency, with the Members of the Cincinnati of the State of Rhode-Island, assembled on this happy Occasion, to pay their Respects to you in Person, and to congratulate you on your safe Arrival in this Town; wishing you the Enjoyment of Health, and Prosperity in the Government over which you preside.--As many of the Gentlemen have not the Honour of a personal Acquaintance with your Excellency, with your Permission, Sir, I will introduce them."
"To which the President was pleased to reply, "It gives me great Pleasure to see so many of my old military Companions on the present Occasion, and I shall be happy to take them by the Hand. After a particular Introduction, the President expressed his most sincere Wishes for their Health and Prosperity."
- George Washington, August, 1790. The Providence Gazette and Country Journal Saturday, August 21, 1790.
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"It is not my intention to doubt that the doctrine of the Illuminati and the principles of Jacobinism had not spread in the United States. On the contrary, no one is more satisfied of this fact than I am.
"The idea that I meant to convey, was, that I did not believe that the Lodges of Free Masons in _this_ Country had, as Societies, endeavoured to propagate the diabolical tenets of the first, or pernicious principles of the latter (if they are susceptible of separation). That Individuals of them may have done it, or that the founder, or instrument employed to found, the Democratic Societies in the United States, may have had these objects; and actually had a separation of the People from their Government in view, is too evident to be questioned."
- George Washington, (1732-1799) Founding Father, 1st US President, letter to George Washington Snyder, October 24, 1798, Mount Vernon. Washington acknowledged that the Illuminati had begun actively recruiting members from within the American lodges of Freemasonry.
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"On motion, it was resolved to invite the New-York Society of the Order of the Cincinnati to participate in the celebration , and honorary membership be extended to such Committee of five as they may delegate."
- Centennial Celebration of the Evacuation by the British of the City of New-York, NOVEMBER 26, 1883. ORGANIZATION OF GENERAL COMMITTEE COMMON COUNCIL OF THE CITY OF NEW-YORK. [An American Time Capsule: Three Centuries of Broadsides and Other Printed Ephemera - Library of Congress - American Memory.]
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Also See:
Jefferson to Madsion, Letter concerning the 'Illuminati', Jan. 31, 1800
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