Journal of the Senate of the United States of America,
MONDAY, MAY 24, 1813.

...The Vice President exhibited a certificate of his having taken the oath of office prescribed by law; which was read; and he addressed the Senate, as follows:

Gentlemen of the Senate:

Our fellow-citizens, in the free exercise of their constitutional authority, having been pleased to honor the person addressing you, with this distinguished station, have inferred on him an indispensable obligation to meet their just expectations. To attain this desirable object, and to preside over this honorable body in conformity to their magnanimity and dignity, which at all times have been conspicuous, will be his primary pursuit. Whilst the constitution has invested him with legislative and executive powers, in cases only that are casual, to the decisions of these, it has attached a great responsibility; in anticipating which, and his other duties, he has the pleasing prospect of reposing on your liberality and candor. But if, in this high and influential branch of the government, such unanimity should prevail, as to decide for themselves every question of policy, the example will still increase their lustre, and add to his happiness.

It is a subject of cordial congratulation, that the liberties of the people, in so great a degree, rest on that wisdom and fortitude which mark the characters of the exalted personage who fills the Supreme Executive, of the dignified members who constitute the national legislature, and of the eminent officers who direct the ministerial departments--Public virtues, emulated by few governments, need no encomiums. Fidelity and integrity, unsubdued by the severest ordeals, and presaging to public calamities a favorable issue, will be ever held in high estimation; whilst a government scrupulously faithful to its trust, and measures which merit the highest applause, have a just claim to the public support.

The present epoch is momentous, and leads to observations which would not occur on ordinary occasions.

Our country is again involved in a sanguinary conflict, the issue of which, in the estimation of the enemy, is to determine whether the republican system, adopted by the people, is imbecile and transient, or whether it has force and duration worthy of the enterprize. That it can never fail whilst they are true to their interest, is beyond doubt. And is it not equally so, that they will never desert the government of their choice, or attach themselves to a foreign domination, from which, under the benign smiles of Divine Providence, they have lately, by their own valor, emancipated themselves? Can they need arguments to convince them, that, in proportion to the purity of republican governments, have ever been the reproaches and efforts for overthrowing them, by imperious sovereigns who once ruled them?

"To divide and to conquer" have long been the objects of the enemy. He has presumed on his own arts, and on impotency in our system of government; but, in both instances, he will be convinced of his error. The people and constituted authorities of the several states, those great pillars of our confederate system, numerous as they are, and inevitably discordant in some of their interests, have evinced, in various ways, a firm determination to support it. The interior frontier states, where the territorial war commenced and continues, assailed by innumerable difficulties, have surmounted them; and, by their unanimity and Spartan valor, are establishing for themselves immortal honor. Through the extensive wilds of our military operations, some of these, as in all wars, have been successful, and others unfortunate. But, to whatever causes the latter may be traced, they never can be imputed to those heroic officers or privates of the army or of the militia, who have bravely combatted the enemy; and of whom, some have been crowned with laurels, others have submitted to irresistible misfortunes, and many have nobly fallen, enshrined with glory. The Atlantic states have repelled, with magnanimity, maritime invasions; and have also given proofs of their patriotic ardor, by conquests on the ocean. Their enterprizes and victories have been sources of national triumph and renown. Are not our officers and mariners, in naval combats, unrivalled by fame? Have they not presented infallible sureties for signalising themselves on great occasions? How vain then is the hope of division or conquest! Does the enemy expect, by burning defenceless towns and villages, to promote his views? Such conduct may entail on the nation which sanctions it eternal infamy, but can never subdue the elevated souls of our brave fellow-citizens, or even depress the sublime minds of our innocent fair, the ornaments of our country, who, amidst the unmerited distresses inflicted on them and their tender offspring by a merciless foe, will soar above sympathy, and claim the just tribute of universal admiration and applause.

Whilst the Executive, in the full exercise of its authority, is left to test the sincerity of pacific overtures, it is a happy circumstance that the United States, at all times desirous of an honorable peace, and superintended by an officer whose capacious mind embraces, and whose patriotic fortitude will pursue, every interest of his country, thus meet with ardor an indispensable war. Is not their power a pledge that they can, and their sacred honor that they will, with intrepidity, maintain the conflict? They demand justice; and can they relinquish it without a surrender of their sovereignty?

Great Britain is in collision with her best customers, and once her commercial friends, who had viewed peace as a mutual blessing; and who, by their moderation, had preserved it, until necessity has pointed to a different line of conduct. They had annually sent to her their productions and specie to a vast amount; had thus employed her mechanics, purchased her manufactures, extended her commerce, and become a great source of her national wealth. Hence, her zealous and persevering opposition to their commercial restraints, representing, in high strains, their great injury to this country; but preserving silence on a most important point, their destructive effects on her own manufactures and commerce.

The United States are now her enemy; and is it not easy to foresee, that, if the war should continue, the Canadas will be rendered independent of her; and, as friends or allies to the United States, will no longer be instrumental in exciting an unrelenting and savage warfare against our extensive and defenceless borders? To such inhuman acts; in former times, were the Canadians urged by France in her Albion wars; and by our colonial aid Great Britain obtained jurisdiction over them. She in turn has abused this power, and has justified the United States in their efforts to divest her of it. And is not their energy adequate to the object? Will not this be evident by a view of their effective national and state governments? of their great and increasing resources? of the unconquered minds and formidable numbers of their citizens? of their martial spirit? of their innate attachment to their rights and liberties? and of their inflexible determination to preserve them? But, if any one stills doubts, will he not recollect, that, at the commencement of our Revolutionary war, which terminated against her, the united colonies had not a third of their present population; nor arms or military stores for a single campaign; nor an efficient arrangement for warfare; nor specie in their treasuries; nor funds for emitting a paper currency; nor a national government; nor (excepting two instances) state governments? nor the knowledge either of military or of naval tactics? Will he not also remember that Great Britain was then in the zenith of her power; that neighboring nations trembled at her nod; that the colonies were under her control; that her crown officers opposed every mean for resisting her; excited amongst the colonial governments (over which they presided) unfounded jealousies of each other, and embarrassed every measure for their union; that she was loaded with less than a fifth of her present national debt; that she was then at peace with all the world; and that she is now at war with a greater part of Europe, as well as with the United States? If Great Britain herself reflects on these things, will she not relinquish her vain attempts to awe the citizens of the United States, by exaggerated statements of her military and naval power, or by delusive views of their unprepared state for a war, of the great expense of it, and of the difficulties they are to encounter in defence of all that is valuable to man? If, in lieu of fruitless artifices, she will make rational and equitable arrangements, which the government of the United States have been always ready to meet, can there be a doubt that the two nations will be speedily restored to their wonted friendship and commerce?

Your fellow-citizen, with sensations which can more easily be conceived than expressed, perceives that there are in the government many of his former friends and compatriots, with whom he has often co-operated in the perilous concerns of his country; and, with unfeigned pleasure, he will meet the other public functionaries, whose acknowledged abilities and public services in like manner claim his high consideration and respect. With a sacred regard to the rights of every department and officer of government, and with a respectful deference to their political principles and opinions, he has frankly declared his own; for, to have concealed them at a crisis like this, might have savoured too much of a deficiency of candor.

And may that Omnipotent Being, who, with infinite wisdom and justice, superintends the destinies of nations, confirm the heroic patriotism which has glowed in the breasts of the national rulers, and convince the enemy that, whilst a disposition to peace, on equitable and honorable terms, will ever prevail in their public councils; one spirit, animated by the love of country, will inspire every department of the national government.

E. GERRY.

Washington, May 24, 1813.