U.S. Supreme Court

cases that reference

the Federalist Papers:

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"If the representatives of the people betray their constituents, there is then no resource left but in the exertion of that original right of self-defense which is paramount to all positive forms of government . . . The citizens must rush tumultuously to arms..."

- Alexander Hamilton, Federalist #28.

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There are close to THREE-HUNDRED AND FIFTY U.S. Supreme Court cases in which the Federalist Papers are referenced, quoted or mentioned. Many times these quotes have been made by the Chief Justices of the Court. More pertinent U.S. Supreme court cases referencing the Federalist will be added to those listed below as they are found...

"In the course of the argument, The Federalist has been quoted ; and the opinions expressed by the authors of that work have been justly supposed to be entitled to great respect in expounding the constitution. No tribute can be paid to them which exceeds their merit ; but in applying their opinions to the cases which may arise in the progress of our government, a right to judge of their correctness must be retained ; and, to understand the argument, we must examine the proposition it maintains, and the objections against which it is directed."

- Chief Justice John Marshall, delivering the opinion of the U.S. Supreme Court. McCULLOCH v. MARYLAND, [4 Wheaton 316.] 1819.

"The opinion of the Federalist has always been considered as of great authority. It is a complete commentary on our Constitution; and is appealed to by all parties in the questions to which that instrument has given birth. Its intrinsic merit entitles it to this high rank; and the part two of its authors performed in framing the constitution, put it very much in their power to explain the views with which it was framed..."

- Chief Justice John Marshall, delivering the opinion of the U.S. Supreme Court, Cohens v. Virginia (1821).

"...The clause must be construed in connexion with other parts of the constitution, and must be considered with reference to those extrinsic circumstances in the then condition of the country which affect the question. One of the great objects of the constitution was to restore violated faith, and to raise the country from that state of distress and degradation into which it had been plunged by the want of a regular administration of justice in the relation of debtor and creditor. The motives for giving the power of establishing bankrupt laws to Congress are explained in the cotemporaneous expositions of the constitution.[g] Had not this power been granted to the Union, it might have been argued with more show of reason, that the States were not meant to be prohibited from exercising the power so as to impair the obligation of contracts. In enumerating the prohibitions to the States, each particular class of laws was not specified, for the reasons before mentioned. The plan of the tramers of the constitution excluded this prolixity of detail. Even in [25 U.S. 213, 219] the Federalist, the authors have only commented upon such parts as were subjected at the time to popular discussion. Their observations upon the present subject are very general and concise; not, as has been supposed, because the concession by the States was not so extensive as we now contend, but because it was almost universally regarded as indispensably necessary...."

"...What is this 'obligation of contracts,' which is prohibited from being impaired by any act of State legislation? We answer, it is the civil obligation, the binding efficacy, the coercive power, the legal duty of performing the contract. The constitution meant to preserve the inviolability of contracts, as secured by those eternal principles of equity and justice which run throughout every civilized code, which form a part of the law of nature and nations, and by which human society, in all countries and all ages, has been regulated and upheld."

[g] Federalist, No. 42.

- U.S. Supreme Court case of; OGDEN v. SAUNDERS, 25 U.S. 213 (1827) (Wheat.). Feb. 19, 1827.

 "The Federalist is regarded as the highest contemporary authority on the construction of the Constitution...."

Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, U.S. Supreme Court. [Journal of the Senate of the United States of America, March 4, 1868.]

"The necessity of complete jurisdiction over the place which should be selected as the seat of government was obvious to [Page 114 U. S. 529] the framers of the Constitution. Unless it were conferred, the deliberations of Congress might in times of excitement be exposed to interruptions without adequate means of protection, its members and the officers of the government be subjected to insult and intimidation, and the public archives be in danger of destruction. The Federalist, in support of this clause in the Constitution, in addition to these reasons, urged that

"a dependence of the members of the general government on the state comprehending the seat of the government for protection in the exercise of their duty might bring on the national councils an imputation of awe or influence equally dishonorable to the government and dissatisfactory to the other members of the Confederacy."

No. 43.

"The necessity of supreme legislative authority over the seat of government was forcibly impressed upon the members of the constitutional convention by occurrences which took place near the close of the Revolutionary War. At that time, while Congress was in session in Philadelphia, it was surrounded and insulted by a body of mutineers of the continental army. In giving an account of this proceeding, Mr. Rawle, in his Treatise on the Constitution, says of the action of Congress:

"It applied to the executive authority of Pennsylvania for defense, but under the ill conceived constitution of the state at that time, the executive power was vested in a council consisting of thirteen members, and they possessed or exhibited so little energy and such apparent intimidation that the Congress indignantly removed to New Jersey, whose inhabitants welcomed it with promises of defending it. It remained for some time at Princeton without being again insulted till, for the sake of greater convenience, it adjourned to Annapolis. The general dissatisfaction with the proceedings of the executive authority of Pennsylvania and the degrading spectacle of a fugitive Congress suggested the remedial provisions now under consideration."

Rawle, Constitution of the United States 113. Of this proceeding Mr. Justice Story remarks:

"If such a lesson could have been lost upon the people, it would have been as humiliating to their intelligence as it would have been offensive to their honor."

2 Story Constitution § 1219.

"Mr. Hamilton, in the 82d number of the Federalist, speaking of the relation that would subsist between the national and state courts in the instances of concurrent jurisdiction, observes that the Constitution, in direct terms, gives an appellate jurisdiction to the Supreme Court in all the enumerated cases of federal cognizance in which it is not to have an original one, without a single expression to confine its operations to the inferior federal courts. The objects of [Page 76 U. S. 280] appeal, not the tribunals from which it is to be made, are alone contemplated. From this circumstance, he observes, and from the reason of the thing, it ought to be construed to extend to the state tribunals.

"The courts of the latter will, of course, be national auxiliaries to the execution of the laws of the Union, and an appeal from them will as naturally lie to that tribunal which is destined to unite and assimilate the principles of national justice and the rules of national decisions." ....

"...Mr. Hamilton, in the 81st number of the Federalist, after quoting the provision observes:

""The propriety of this appellate jurisdiction has been scarcely called in question in regard to matters of law, but the clamors have been loud against it as applied to matters of fact. Some well intentioned men in this state, deriving their notions from the language and forms which obtain in our courts, have been induced to consider it as an implied supersedure of the trial by jury in favor of the civil law mode of trial."

"And the then enters into an argument to show that there is no real ground for alarm or apprehension on the subject, and suggests some regulations by Congress by which the objections would be removed. He observes also that it would have been impracticable for the Convention to have made an express exception of cases which had been originally tried by a jury, because in the courts of some of the states, all causes were tried in this mode, and such exception would preclude the revision of matters of fact as well where it might be proper as where it might be improper. He then suggests that Congress has full power to provide that in appeals to the Supreme Court, there should be no reexamination of the facts where the causes had been tried by a jury according to the common law mode of proceeding. Now it is quite clear that the restrictions upon this appellate power by Congress pointed out by Mr. Hamilton for the purpose of quieting the public mind had a direct reference to the revision of the [Page 76 U. S. 282] judgments of the state courts as well as the inferior federal, and what is significant on the subject is that the amendment submitted in the first session of Congress by Mr. Madison adopts the restriction suggested by Hamilton, and almost in the same words. We will simply add there is nothing in the history of the amendment indicating that it was intended to be confined to cases coming up for revision from the inferior federal courts, but much is there found to the contrary."

- MR. JUSTICE NELSON deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. The Justices v. Murray, 76 U.S. 9 Wall. 274 274 (1869).

"The Constitution of the United States declares that "No state shall pass any . . . law impairing the obligation of contracts."

"A contract is the agreement of minds, upon a sufficient consideration, [Page 96 U. S. 600] that something specified shall be done or shall not be done.

"The lexical definition of "impair" is "to make worse; to diminish in quantity, value, excellence, or strength; to lessen in power; to weaken; to enfeeble; to deteriorate." Webster's Dict...."

"...The power to tax involves the power to destroy. McCulloch v. Maryland, 4 Wheat. 416. The power to modify at discretion the remedial part of a contract is the same thing...."

"...Mr. Chief Justice Taney, in Bronson v. Kinzie, supra, speaking of the protection of the remedy, said: "It is this protection which the clause of the Constitution now in question mainly intended to secure."

"The point decided in Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 1 Wheat. 518, had not, it is believed, when the Constitution was adopted, occurred to anyone. There is no trace of it in the Federalist, nor in any other contemporaneous publication. It was first made and judicially decided under the Constitution in that case. Its novelty was admitted by Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, but it was met and conclusively answered in his opinion.

"We think the views we have expressed carry out the intent of contracts and the intent of the Constitution. The obligation of the former is placed under the safeguard of the latter. No state can invade it, and Congress is incompetent to authorize such invasion. Its position is impregnable, and will be so while the organic law of the nation remains as it is. The trust touching the subject with which this Court is charged is one of magnitude and delicacy. We must always be careful to see that there is neither nonfeasance nor misfeasance on our part.

The importance of the point involved in this controversy induces us to restate succinctly the conclusions at which we have arrived, and which will be the ground of our judgment.

"The remedy subsisting in a state when and where a contract is made and is to be performed is a part of its obligation, and any subsequent law of the state which so affects that remedy as substantially to impair and lessen the value of the contract is forbidden by the Constitution, and is therefore void...."

- MR. JUSTICE SWAYNE delivered the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Edwards v. Kearzey, 96 U.S. 595 (1877)

"Support to that view is also derived from one of the numbers of the federalist, which has ever been regarded as entitled to weight in any discussion as to the true intent and meaning of the provisions of our fundamental law. It is there maintained that no right of taxation which the states had previously enjoyed was surrendered, unless expressly prohibited, and that the right of the states to tax was not impaired by any affirmative grant of power to the general government; that duties on imports were a part of the taxing power; and that the states would have had a right, after the adoption of the Constitution, to lay duties on imports and exports if they had not been expressly prohibited from doing so by that instrument. Federalist, No. 32. From which it follows, if the writer of that publication is correct, that the power granted to regulate commerce did not prohibit the states from laying import duties upon merchandise imported from foreign countries; that the commercial clause does not apply to the right of taxation in either sovereignty, the taxing power being a distinct and separate power from the power to regulate commerce; and that the right of taxation in the states remains over every subject where it before existed, with the exception only of those expressly or impliedly prohibited."

- MR. JUSTICE CLIFFORD delivered the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Transportation Company v. Wheeling, 99 U.S. 273 (1878)

 "Upon the second part of the clause in question, giving power to "exercise like authority" -- that is, of exclusive legislation

"over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings"

-- the federalist observes that the necessity of this authority is not less evident. "The public money expended on such places," it adds,

"and the public property deposited in them require that they should be exempt from the authority of the particular state. Nor would it be proper for the places on which the security of the entire Union may depend to be in any degree dependent on a particular member of it. All objections and scruples are here also obviated by requiring the concurrence of the states concerned in every such establishment."

- MR. JUSTICE FIELD deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Fort Leavenworth R. Co. v. Lowe, 114 U.S. 525 (1885).

"These questions were the subject of earnest consideration while the Constitution was before the people of the United States for acceptance or rejection. It was contended by some who recommended its rejection that the proposed Constitution, without legislation by Congress, would give to the one Supreme Court established by it, and to such other courts as Congress should from time to time create, exclusive jurisdiction in all such cases or controversies. That interpretation was disputed, and Hamilton, in the Federalist, said:

""The principles established in a former paper teach us that the state will retain all preexisting authorities, which may not be exclusively delegated [Page 170 U. S. 515] to the federal head, and that this exclusive delegation can only exist in one of three cases: where an exclusive authority is, in express terms, granted to the Union, or where a particular authority is granted to the Union and the exercise of a like authority is prohibited to the states, or where an authority is granted to the Union with which a similar authority in the states would be utterly incompatible. Though these principles may not apply with the same force to the judiciary as the legislative power, yet I am inclined to think that they are, in the main, just with respect to the former as well as the latter. And, under this impression, I shall lay it down as a rule that the state courts will retain the jurisdiction they now have unless it appears to be taken away in one of the enumerated modes."

"He recognized the fact that there was apparent support to the objection referred to in the clause,

""the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such inferior courts as the Congress shall from time to time ordain and establish."

"That clause, he said,

""might either be construed to signify that the supreme and subordinate courts of the Union should alone have the power of deciding those causes, to which their authority is to extend, or simply to denote that the organs of the national judiciary should be one Supreme Court and as many subordinate courts as Congress should think proper to appoint -- in other words, that the United States should exercise the judicial power with which they are to be invested through one supreme tribunal and a certain number of inferior ones to be instituted by them. The first excludes, the last admits, the concurrent jurisdiction of the state tribunals. And, as the first would amount to an alienation of state power by implication, the last appears to me the most defensible construction."

"He also said that the judicial power of every government

"looks beyond its own local or municipal laws, and in civil cases, lays hold of all subjects of litigation between parties within its jurisdiction, though the causes of dispute are relative to the laws of the most distant part of the globe. Those of Japan not less than of New York may furnish the objects of legal discussion to our courts. When, in addition to this, we consider [Page 170 U. S. 516] the state governments and the national government, as they truly are, in the light of kindred systems and as parts of one whole, the inference seems to be conclusive that the state courts would have a concurrent jurisdiction in cases arising under the laws of the Union, where it was not expressly prohibited."

"Federalist, No. 82."

- MR. JUSTICE HARLAN deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Plaquemines Tropical Fruit Co. v. Henderson, 170 U.S. 511 (1898).

 "Mr. Hamilton, in No. 81 of the Federalist, when discussing the clause of the Constitution which confers upon this Court "appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as the Congress shall make," and again, in more detail, in No. 83, when answering the objection to the want of any provision securing trial by jury in civil actions, stated the diversity then existing in the laws of the different states regarding appeals and jury trials, and especially pointed out that, in the New England states, and in those alone, appeals were allowed as of course from one jury to another until there had been two verdicts on one side, and in no other state but Georgia was there any [Page 174 U. S. 7] appeal from one to another jury. The diversity in the laws of the several states, he insisted, "shows the impropriety of a technical definition derived from the jurisprudence of any particular state," and "that no general rule could have been fixed upon by the convention which would have corresponded with the circumstances of all the states." And he suggested that

""the legislature of the United States would certainly have full power to provide that, in appeals to the Supreme Court, there should be no reexamination of facts where they had been tried in the original causes by juries;' but if this 'should be thought too extensive, it might be qualified with a limitation to such causes only as are determinable at common law in that mode of trial."

"2 Federalist (ed. 1788), pp. 319-321, 335-336."

- MR. JUSTICE GRAY deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] court. Capital Traction Co. v. Hof, 174 U.S. 1 (1899).

"The particular need for making the judiciary independent was elaborately pointed out by Alexander Hamilton in the Federalist, No. 78, from which we excerpt the following:

""The executive not only dispenses the honors, but holds the sword of the community. The legislature not only commands the purse, but prescribes the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be regulated. The judiciary, on the contrary, has no influence over either the sword or the purse, no direction either of the strength or of the wealth of the society, and can take no active resolution whatever. It may truly be said to have neither force nor will, but merely judgment. . . . This simple view of [Page 253 U. S. 250] the matter suggests several important consequences. It proves incontestably that the judiciary is beyond comparison the weakest of the three departments of power; that it
can never attack with success either of the other two, and that all possible care is requisite to enable it to defend itself against their attacks."

""The complete independence of the courts of justice is peculiarly essential in a limited Constitution. By a limited Constitution, I understand one which contains certain specified exceptions to the legislative authority, such, for instance, as that it shall pass no bills of attainder, no ex post facto laws, and the like. Limitations of this kind can be preserved in practice no other way than through the medium of courts of justice, whose duty it must be to declare all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of the Constitution void. Without this, all the reservations of particular rights or privileges would amount to nothing."

"At a later period, John Marshall, whose rich experience as lawyer, legislator, and Chief Justice enabled him to speak as no one else could, tersely said (Debates Va. Conv. 1829-1831, pp. 616, 619):

"Advert, sir, to the duties of a judge. He has to pass between the government and the man whom that government is prosecuting; between the most powerful individual in the community and the poorest and most unpopular. It is of the last importance that, in the exercise of these duties, he should observe the utmost fairness. Need I press the necessity of this? Does not every man feel that his own personal security and the security of his property depends on that fairness? The judicial department comes home in its effects to every man's fireside: it passes on his property, his reputation, his life, his all. Is it not to the last degree important that he should be rendered perfectly and completely independent, with nothing to influence or control him but God and his conscience? . . . I have always thought, from my earliest youth till now, that the [Page 253 U. S. 251] greatest scourge an angry Heaven ever inflicted upon an ungrateful and a sinning people was an ignorant, a corrupt, or a dependent judiciary."

- MR. JUSTICE VAN DEVANTER delivered the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Evans v. Gore, 253 U.S. 245 (1920). Decided June 1, 1920

"...If it be important thus to separate the several departments of government and restrict them to the exercise of their appointed powers, it follows, as a logical corollary, equally important, that each department should be kept completely independent of the others -- independent not in the sense that they shall not cooperate to the common end of carrying into effect the purposes of the Constitution, but in the sense that the acts of each shall never be controlled by, or subjected, directly or indirectly, to, the coercive influence of either of the other departments. James Wilson, one of the framers of the Constitution and a justice of this Court, in one of his law lectures said that the independence of each department required that its proceedings "should be free from the remotest influence, direct or indirect, of either of the other two powers." Andrews, the Works of James Wilson (1896), vol. 1, p. 367. And the importance of such independence was similarly recognized by Mr. Justice Story when he said that, in reference to each other, neither of the departments [Page 289 U. S. 531] "ought to possess, directly or indirectly, an overruling influence in the administration of their respective powers." 1 Story on the Constitution (4th Ed.) § 530. To the same effect, the Federalist (Madison) No. 48. And see Massachusetts v. Mellon, 262 U. S. 447, 488.

"The anxiety of the framers of the Constitution to preserve the independence especially of the judicial department is manifested by the provision now under review, forbidding the diminution of the compensation of the judges of courts exercising the judicial power of the United States. This requirement was foreshadowed, and its vital character attested, by the Declaration of Independence, which, among the injuries and usurpations recited against the King of Great Britain, declared that he had "made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries."

"In framing the Constitution, therefore, the power to diminish the compensation of the federal judges was explicitly denied in order, inter alia, that their judgment or action might never be swayed in the slightest degree by the temptation to cultivate the favor or avoid the displeasure of that department which, as master of the purse, would otherwise hold the power to reduce their means of support. The high importance of the provision, as the contemporary history shows, was definitely pointed out by the leading statesmen of the time. Thus, in the Federalist, No. 78, Hamilton said: "The complete independence of the courts of justice is peculiarly essential in a limited Constitution." And in No. 79:

""Next to permanency in office, nothing can contribute more to the independence of the judges than a fixed provision for their support. . . . In the general course of human nature, a power over a man's subsistence amounts to a power over his will.""

"(The italics are in the original.)"

[Page 289 U. S. 532]

Chief Justice Marshall, in the course of the debates of the Virginia state Convention of 1829-1830 (pp. 616, 619), used the following strong and frequently quoted language:

"The Judicial Department comes home in its effects to every man's fireside; it passes on his property, his reputation, his life, his all. Is it not to the last degree important that he should be rendered perfectly and completely independent, with nothing to influence or control him but God and his conscience? . . . I have always thought, from my earliest youth till now, that the greatest scourge an angry Heaven ever inflicted upon an ungrateful and a sinning people was an ignorant, a corrupt, or a dependent Judiciary."

"In a very early period of our history, it was said, in words as true today as they were then, that "if they [the people] value and wish to preserve their Constitution, they ought never to surrender the independence of their judges." Rawle on the Constitution, 2d ed., 281...."

- MR. JUSTICE SUTHERLAND deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. O'Donoghue v. United States, 289 U.S. 516 (1933).

"Hamilton, in the Federalist, No. 81, made the following emphatic statement of the general principle of immunity:

"It is inherent in the nature of sovereignty not to be amenable to the suit of an individual without its consent. This is the general sense and the general practice of mankind, and the exemption, as one of the attributes of sovereignty, is now enjoyed by the government of every state in the Union. Unless therefore there is a surrender of this immunity in the plan of the convention, it will remain with the states, and the danger intimated must be merely ideal. The circumstances which are necessary to produce an alienation of state sovereignty were discussed in considering the article of taxation, and need not be repeated here. A recurrence to the principles there established will satisfy us that there is no color to pretend that the state governments would, by the adoption of that plan, be divested of the privilege of paying their own debts in their own way, free from every constraint but that which flows from the obligations of good faith.

[Page 292 U. S. 325]

"The contracts between a nation and individuals are only binding on the conscience of the sovereign, and have no pretensions to a compulsive force. They confer no right of action independent of the sovereign will. To what purpose would it be to authorize suits against states for the debts they owe? How could recoveries be enforced? It is evident it could not be done without waging war against the contracting state, and to ascribe to the federal courts by mere implication, and in destruction of a preexisting right of the state governments, a power which would involve such a consequence would be altogether forced and unwarrantable. [Footnote 4]""

- MR. CHIEF JUSTICE HUGHES deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Principality of Monaco v. Mississippi, 292 U.S. 313 (1934)

 

"Alexander Hamilton, explaining the reasons for and the purpose of § 1 of Art. III, said:

""The Executive not only dispenses the honors, but holds the sword of the community. The legislature not only commands the purse, but prescribes the rules by which the duties and rights of every citizen are to be regulated. The judiciary, on the contrary, has no influence over either the sword or the purse; no direction either of the strength or of the wealth of the society, and can take no active resolution whatever. It may truly be said to have neither force nor will, but merely judgment. . . ."

""This simple view of the matter . . . proves incontestably that the judiciary is, beyond comparison, the weakest of the three departments of power, that it can never attack with success either of the other two, and that all possible care is requisite to enable it to defend itself against their attacks. . . ."

"The complete independence of the courts of justice is peculiarly essential in a limited Constitution. By a limited Constitution, I understand one which contains certain specified exceptions to the legislative authority -- such, for instance, as that it shall pass no bills of attainder, no ex post facto laws, and the like. Limitations of this kind can be preserved in practice no other way than through the medium of courts of justice, whose duty it must be to declare all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of the Constitution void. Without this, all the reservations of particular rights or privileges would amount to nothing. . . ."

The Federalist, No. 78.

"Next to permanency in office, nothing can contribute more to the independence of the judges than a fixed provision for their support. . . . In the general course of human nature, a power over a man's subsistence amounts [Page 307 U. S. 286] to a power over his will. . . . The enlightened friends to good government in every State have seen cause to lament the want of precise and explicit precautions in the State constitutions on this head. Some of these indeed have declared that permanent salaries should be established for the judges, but the experiment has in some instances shown that such expressions are not sufficiently definite to preclude legislative evasions. Something still more positive and unequivocal has been evinced to be requisite. . . . This provision for the support of the judges bears every mark of prudence and efficacy, and it may be safely affirmed that, together with the permanent tenure of their offices, it affords a better prospect of their independence than is discoverable in the constitutions of any of the States in regard to their own judges."

The Federalist, No. 79.

- MR. JUSTICE BUTLER, in dissent, [U.S. Supreme] Court. O'Malley v. Woodrough, 307 U.S. 277 (1939).

"First. That the supremacy of national power in the general field of foreign affairs, including power over immigration, naturalization, and deportation, is made clear by the Constitution, was pointed out by the authors of The Federalist in 1787, [Footnote 9] and has since been given continuous recognition by this Court...."

"...[Footnote 9]....”

"...The importance of national power in all matters relating to foreign affairs and the inherent danger of state action in this field are clearly developed in Federalist papers No. 3, 4, 5, 42 and 80."

- MR. JUSTICE BLACK deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Hines v. Davidowitz, 312 U.S. 52 (1941).

 

"Before the Constitution was adopted, some States had granted patents either by special act or by general statute, [Footnote 3] but when the Constitution was adopted, provision for a federal patent law was made one of the enumerated powers of Congress because, as Madison put it in The Federalist No. 43, the States "cannot separately make effectual provision" for either patents or copyrights. [Footnote 4] That constitutional provision is Art. I, § 8, cl. 8, which empowers Congress

""To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries."

"Pursuant to this constitutional [Page 376 U. S. 229] authority, Congress in 1790, enacted the first federal patent and copyright law, 1 Stat. 109, and, ever since that time, has fixed the condition upon which patents and copyrights shall be granted, see17 U.S.C. §§ 1-216; 35 U.S.C. §§ 1-293. These laws, like other laws of the United States enacted pursuant to constitutional authority, are the supreme law of the land. See Sperry v. Florida, 373 U. S. 379 (1963). When state law touches upon the area of these federal statutes, it is "familiar doctrine" that the federal policy "may not be set at naught, or its benefits denied" by the state law. Sola Elec. Co. v. Jefferson Elec. Co., 317 U. S. 173, 176 (1942). This is true, of course, even if the state law is enacted in the exercise of otherwise undoubted state power."

- MR. JUSTICE BLACK deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Sears, Roebuck & Co. v. Stiffel Co., 376 U.S. 225 (1964).

 

"James Madison made the same point in this now famous passage from Federalist Paper No. 51:

""But what is government itself but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed, and in the next place oblige it to control itself.""

[Federalist 51 continues on to read in the next sentence to that quoted above; "A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions."]

- JUSTICE REHNQUIST, dissenting in the U.S. Supreme Court case of Coleman v. Balkcom, 451 U.S. 949 (1981). No. 80-5980 April 27, 1981.

“The general principle of state court jurisdiction over cases arising under federal laws is straightforward: state courts may assume subject matter jurisdiction over a federal cause of action absent provision by Congress to the contrary or disabling incompatibility between the federal claim and state [Page 453 U. S. 478] court adjudication. Charles Dowd Box Co. v. Courtney, 368 U. S. 502, 507-508 (1962); Claflin v. Houseman, 93 U. S. 130, 136 (1876). This rule is premised on the relation between the States and the National Government within our federal system, see The Federalist No. 82 (Hamilton). The two exercise concurrent sovereignty, although the Constitution limits the powers of each and requires the States to recognize federal law as paramount. Federal law confers rights binding on state courts, the subject matter jurisdiction of which is governed in the first instance by state laws. [Footnote 4] ...

...The Federalist No. 82, p. 514 (H. Lodge ed.1908) (Hamilton), quoted in Claflin v. Houseman, 93 U.S. at 138. State courts routinely exercise subject matter jurisdiction over civil cases arising from events in other States and governed by the other States' laws. See, e.g., Dennick v. Railroad Co., 103 U. S. 11 (1881). Cf. Allstate Ins. Co. v. Hague, 449 U. S. 302 (1981). That the location of the event giving rise to the suit is an area of exclusive federal jurisdiction, rather than another State, does not introduce any new limitation on the forum State's subject [Page 453 U. S. 482] matter jurisdiction. [Footnote 8] Ohio River Contract Co. v. Gordon, supra, at 244 U. S. 72....

- JUSTICE POWELL deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Gulf Offshore Co. v. Mobil Oil Corp., 453 U.S. 473 (1981)

"We noted recently that

""[t]he Constitution sought to divide the delegated powers of the new Federal Government into three defined categories, Legislative, Executive, and Judicial."

"INS v. Chadha, 462 U. S. 919, 951 (1983). The declared purpose of separating and dividing the powers of government, of course, was to "diffus[e] power the better to secure liberty." Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U. S. 579, 635 (1952) (Jackson, J., concurring). Justice Jackson's words echo the famous warning of Montesquieu, [Page 478 U. S. 722] quoted by James Madison in The Federalist No. 47, that "there can be no liberty where the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or body of magistrates'. . . ." The Federalist No. 47, p. 325 (J. Cooke ed.1961).

"Even a cursory examination of the Constitution reveals the influence of Montesquieu's thesis that checks and balances were the foundation of a structure of government that would protect liberty. The Framers provided a vigorous Legislative Branch and a separate and wholly independent Executive Branch, with each branch responsible ultimately to the people. The Framers also provided for a Judicial Branch equally independent, with "[t]he judicial Power . . . extend[ing] to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, and the Laws of the United States." Art. III, § 2...."

"...The dangers of congressional usurpation of Executive Branch functions have long been recognized.

""[T]he debates of the Constitutional Convention, and the Federalist Papers, are replete with expressions of fear that the Legislative Branch of the National Government will aggrandize itself at the expense of the other two branches."

"Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S. 1, 129 (1976). Indeed, we also have observed only recently that

""[t]he hydraulic pressure inherent within each of the separate Branches to exceed the outer limits of its power, even to accomplish desirable objectives, must be resisted."

- CHIEF JUSTICE BURGER deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Bowsher v. Synar, 478 U.S. 714 (1986)

"The Constitution created a Federal Government of limited powers.

""The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people."

"U.S.Const., Amdt. 10. The States thus retain substantial sovereign authority under our constitutional system. As James Madison put it:

[Page 501 U. S. 458]

""The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. . . . The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all the objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State.""

"The Federalist No. 45, pp. 292-293 (C. Rossiter ed.1961) (J. Madison)."

O'CONNOR, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which REHNQUIST, C.J., and SCALIA, KENNEDY, and SOUTER, JJ., joined, U.S. Supreme Court; Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U.S. 452 (1991). Decided June 20, 1991.
.

"In Monaco, [Principality of Monaco v. Mississippi, 292 U. S. 313 (1934).] the Principality had come into possession of Mississippi state bonds, and had sued Mississippi in federal court to recover amounts due under those bonds. Mississippi defended on grounds of the Eleventh Amendment, among others. Had respondents' understanding of sovereign immunity been the Court's, the Eleventh Amendment would not have limited the otherwise clear grant of jurisdiction [Page 501 U. S. 781] in Article III to hear controversies "between a State . . . and foreign States." But we held that it did.

""Manifestly, we cannot rest with a mere literal application of the words of § 2 of Article III, or assume that the letter of the Eleventh Amendment exhausts the restrictions upon suits against nonconsenting States. Behind the words of the constitutional provisions are postulates which limit and control. . . . There is . . . the postulate that States of the Union, still possessing attributes of sovereignty, shall be immune from suits, without their consent, save where there has been a 'surrender of this immunity in the plan of the convention.' The Federalist, No. 81.""

- JUSTICE SCALIA delivered the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. Blatchford v. Native Village of Noatak, 501 U.S. 775 (1991). Decided June 24, 1991.

"While the Constitution of the United States divides all power conferred upon the Federal Government into "legislativePowers," Art. I, § 1, "[t]he executive Power," Art. II, § 1, and "[t]he judicial Power," Art. III, § 1, it does not attempt to define those terms. To be sure, it limits the jurisdiction of federal courts to "Cases" and "Controversies," but an executive inquiry can bear the name "case" (the Hoffa case) and a legislative dispute can bear the name "controversy" (the Smoot-Hawley controversy). Obviously, then, the Constitution's central mechanism of separation of powers de-[560] pends largely upon common understanding of what activities are appropriate to legislatures, to executives, and to courts. In The Federalist No. 48, Madison expressed the view that "[i]t is not infrequently a question of real nicety in legislative bodies whether the operation of a particular measure will, or will not, extend beyond the legislative sphere," whereas "the executive power [is] restrained within a narrower compass and ... more simple in its nature," and "the judiciary [is] described by landmarks still less uncertain." The Federalist No. 48, p. 256 (Carey and McClellan eds. 1990)."

- JUSTICE SCALIA deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court with respect to Parts I, II, III-A, and IV; and an opinion with respect to Part III-B, in which THE CHIEF JUSTICE, JusTICE WHITE, and JUSTICE THOMAS join. LUJAN, SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR v. DEFENDERS OF WILDLIFE ET AL. No. 90-1424. Argued December 3, 1991-Decided June 12, 1992.

"The history and contemporary understanding of the impeachment provisions support our reading of the constitutional language. The parties do not offer evidence of a single word in the history of the Constitutional Convention or in contemporary commentary that even alludes to the possibility of judicial review in the context of the impeachment powers. See 290 U. S. App. D. C., at 424, 938 F. 2d, at 243; R. Berger, Impeachment: The Constitutional Problems 116 (1973). This silence is quite meaningful in light of the several explicit references to the availability of judicial review as a check on the Legislature's power with respect to bills of attainder, ex post facto laws, and statutes. See The Federalist No. 78, p. 524 (J. Cooke ed. 1961) ("Limitations ... can be preserved in practice no other way than hrough the medium of the courts of justice").

"The Framers labored over the question of where the impeachment power should lie. Significantly, in at least two considered scenarios the power was placed with the Federal Judiciary. See 1 Farrand 21-22 (Virginia Plan); id., at 244 (New Jersey Plan). Indeed, James Madison and the Committee of Detail proposed that the Supreme Court should have the power to determine impeachments. See 2 id., at 551 (Madison); id., at 178-179, 186 (Committee of Detail). Despite these proposals, the Convention ultimately decided that the Senate would have "the sole Power to try all Impeachments." Art. I, § 3, cl. 6. According to Alexander Hamilton, the Senate was the "most fit depositary of this important trust" because its Members are representatives of the people. See The Federalist No. 65, p. 440 (J. Cooke ed. 1961). The Supreme Court was not the proper body because the Framers "doubted whether the members of that tribunal would, at all times, be endowed with so eminent a portion of fortitude as would be called for in the execution of so difficult a task" or whether the Court "would possess the degree of [234] credit and authority" to carry out its judgment if it conflicted with the accusation brought by the Legislature-the people's representative. See id., at 441. In addition, the Framers believed the Court was too small in number: "The awful discretion, which a court of impeachments must necessarily have, to doom to honor or to infamy the most confidential and the most distinguished characters of the community, forbids the commitment of the trust to a small number of persons." Id., at 441-442.

"There are two additional reasons why the Judiciary, and the Supreme Court in particular, were not chosen to have any role in impeachments. First, the Framers recognized that most likely there would be two sets of proceedings for individuals who commit impeachable offenses-the impeachment trial and a separate criminal trial. In fact, the Constitution explicitly provides for two separate proceedings. See Art. I, § 3, cl. 7. The Framers deliberately separated the two forums to avoid raising the specter of bias and to ensure independent judgments:

""Would it be proper that the persons, who had disposed of his fame and his most valuable rights as a citizen in one trial, should in another trial, for the same offence, be also the disposers of his life and his fortune? Would there not be the greatest reason to apprehend, that error in the first sentence would be the parent of error in the second sentence? That the strong bias of one decision would be apt to overrule the influence of any new lights, which might be brought to vary the complexion of another decision?" The Federalist No. 65, p. 442 (J. Cooke ed. 1961).

"Certainly judicial review of the Senate's "trial" would introduce the same risk of bias as would participation in the trial itself.

"Second, judicial review would be inconsistent with the Framers' insistence that our system be one of checks and [235] balances. In our constitutional system, impeachment was designed to be the only check on the Judicial Branch by the Legislature. On the topic of judicial accountability, Hamilton wrote:

""The precautions for their responsibility are comprised in the article respecting impeachments. They are liable to be impeached for mal-conduct by the house of representatives, and tried by the senate, and if convicted, may be dismissed from office and disqualified for holding any other. This is the only provision on the point, which is consistent with the necessary independence of the judicial character, and is the only one which we find in our own constitution in respect to our own judges." Id., No. 79, at 532-533 (emphasis added).

"Judicial involvement in impeachment proceedings, even if only for purposes of judicial review, is counterintuitive because it would eviscerate the "important constitutional check" placed on the Judiciary by the Framers. See id., No. 81, at 545. Nixon's argument would place final reviewing authority with respect to impeachments in the hands of the same body that the impeachment process is meant to regulate.2"

- CHIEF JUSTICE REHNQUIST delivered the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court. NIXON v. UNITED STATES ET AL. No. 91-740. Argued October 14, 1992-Decided January 13, 1993

"As we recognized in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U. S. 1, 125 (1976) (per curiam), the Appointments Clause of Article II is more than a matter of "etiquette or protocol"; it is among the significant structural safeguards of the constitutional scheme. By vesting the President with the exclusive power to select the principal (noninferior) officers of the United States, the Appointments Clause prevents congressional encroachment upon the Executive and Judicial Branches. See id., at 128-131; Weiss, supra, at 183-185 (SOUTER, J., concurring); Freytag v. Commissioner, 501 U. S. 868, 904, and n. 4 (1991) (SCALIA, J., concurring). This disposition was also designed to assure a higher quality of appointments: The Framers anticipated that the President would be less vulnerable to interest-group pressure and personal favoritism than would a collective body. "The sole and undivided responsibility of one man will naturally beget a livelier sense of duty, and a more exact regard to reputation." The Federalist No. 76, p. 387 (M. Beloff ed. 1987) (A. Hamilton); accord, 3 J. Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States 374-375 (1833). The President's power to select principal officers of the United States was not left unguarded, however, as Article II further requires the "Advice and Consent of the Senate." This serves both to curb Executive abuses of the appointment power, see 3 Story, supra, at 376377, and "to promote a judicious choice of [persons] for filling the offices of the union," The Federalist No. 76, at 386-387."

- SCALIA, J., deliver[ing] the opinion of the [U.S. Supreme] Court, in which REHNQUIST, C. J., and STEVENS, O'CONNOR, KENNEDY, THOMAS, GINSBURG, and BREYER, JJ., joined...". EDMOND v. UNITED STATES, No. 96-262. Argued February 24, 1997-Decided May 19, 1997.

 

"Where there is no available state forum the Young rule has special significance. In that instance providing a federal forum for a justiciable controversy is a specific application of the principle that the plan of the Convention contemplates a regime in which federal guarantees are enforceable so long as there is a justiciable controversy. The Federalist No. 80, p. 475 (C. Rossiter ed. 1961) (A. Hamilton) ("[T]here ought always to be a constitutional method of

giving efficacy to constitutional provisions"). We, of course, express no opinion as to the circumstances in which the unavailability of injunctive relief in state court would raise constitutional concerns under current doctrine."

- KENNEDY, J., announced the judgment of the [U.S. Supreme] Court and delivered the opinion of the Court with respect to Parts I, II-A, and III, in which REHN-[263] QUIST, C. J., and O'CONNOR, SCALIA, and THOMAS, JJ., joined, and an opinion with respect to Parts II-B, II-C, and II-D, in which REHNQUIST, C. J., joined. O'CONNOR, J., filed an opinion concurring in part and concurring in the judgment, in which SCALIA and THOMAS, JJ., joined, post, p. 288. IDAHO ET AL. v. COEUR D'ALENE TRIBE OF IDAHO ET AL. No. 94-1474. Argued October 16, 1996-Decided June 23, 1997.

"...The State of Washington has enacted legislation in an area where the federal interest has been manifest since the beginning of our Republic and is now well established. The authority of Congress to regulate interstate navigation, without embarrassment from intervention of the separate States and resulting difficulties with foreign nations, was cited in the Federalist Papers as one of the reasons for adopting the Constitution. E. g., The Federalist Nos. 44, 12,64...."

- KENNEDY, J., delivered the opinion for a unanimous [U.S. Supreme] Court. UNITED STATES v. LOCKE, GOVERNOR OF WASHINGTON, ET AL. No.98-1701. Argued December 7, 1999-Decided March 6, 2000.

"Let a regular army, fully equal to the resources of the country, be formed; and let it be entirely at the devotion of the federal government; still it would not be going too far to say, that the State governments, with the people on their side, would be able to repel the danger. The highest number to which, according to the best computation, a standing army can be carried in any country, does not exceed one hundredth part of the whole number of souls; or one twenty-fifth part of the number able to bear arms. This proportion would not yield, in the United States, an army of more than twenty-five or thirty thousand men. To these would be opposed a militia amounting to near half a million of citizens with arms in their hands, officered by men chosen from among themselves, fighting for their common liberties, and united and conducted by governments possessing their affections and confidence. It may well be doubted, whether a militia thus circumstanced could ever be conquered by such a proportion of regular troops. Those who are best acquainted with the last successful resistance of this country against the British arms, will be most inclined to deny the possibility of it. Besides the advantage of being armed, which the Americans possess over the people of almost every other nation, the existence of subordinate governments, to which the people are attached, and by which the militia officers are appointed, forms a barrier against the enterprises of ambition, more insurmountable than any which a simple government of any form can admit of. Notwithstanding the military establishments in the several kingdoms of Europe, which are carried as far as the public resources will bear, the governments are afraid to trust the people with arms. And it is not certain, that with this aid alone they would not be able to shake off their yokes. But were the people to possess the additional advantages of local governments chosen by themselves, who could collect the national will and direct the national force, and of officers appointed out of the militia, by these governments, and attached both to them and to the militia, it may be affirmed with the greatest assurance, that the throne of every tyranny in Europe would be speedily overturned in spite of the legions, which surround it. Let us not insult the free and gallant citizens of America with the suspicion, that they would be less able to defend the rights of which they would be in actual possession, than the debased subjects of arbitrary power would be to rescue theirs from the hands of their oppressors. Let us rather no longer insult them with the supposition that they can ever reduce themselves to the necessity of making the experiment, by a blind and tame submission to the long train of insidious measures which must precede and produce it."

- Alexander Hamilton, The Works of Alexander Hamilton - The Federalist. No. xlvi[46] (Madison), ed. Henry Cabot Lodge (Federal Edition) (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904). In 12 vols. Vol. 12.

And, here are some quotations from some of the OTHER authorities referenced in the above decisions:

"Also, the conditions and circumstances of the period require a finding that while the stated purpose of the right to arms was to secure a well-regulated militia, the right to self-defense was assumed by the Framers."

John Marshall, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice. [As quoted in Nunn v. State, 1 Ga. 243, 251 (1846); State v. Dawson, 272 N.C. 535, 159 S.E.2d 1, 9 (1968).]

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"The prohibition is general. No clause in the Constitution could by any rule of construction be conceived to give to Congress a power to disarm the people. Such a flagitious attempt could only be made under some general pretense by a state legislature. But if in any blind pursuit of inordinate power, either should attempt it, this amendment may be appealed to as a restraint on both."

- William Rawle,
A View of the Constitution, 125-6 (2nd ed. 1829). (Appointed by President George Washington as U.S. District Attorney for Pennsylvania in 1791).

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"The militia is the natural defense of a free country against sudden foreign invasions, domestic insurrections, and domestic Usurpation of Power by rulers. The Right of the Citizens to Keep and Bear Arms has JUSTLY been considered, as the PALLADIUM of the LIBERTIES of The Republic; since