Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 19
David Howell to Nicholas Brown
Dear Sir,
Philadelphia
Octob 30 1782.
Your very acceptable favour of 15 Inst. came duly to hand per Post, the enclosures as well as contents were agreeable. I am happy to find that abler pens have at length enlisted in so good a cause. The opposition to the Impost, I am convinced, gains ground in Congress as well as in this City. I have taken great pains to explain the principles of Liberty & to shew how the Confederation will secure it to us, & I can assure you that great Charter of our Liberties is lately more frequently quoted & growing into that sacred veneration to which it is entitled. When I first came here, Genl. Cornell called it a rope of Sand & I found he had catched the expression from others. The States are not to be held together by the strength of penal laws & coercion, but by their mutual intrest--And if a wise & just policy is adopted it will continue in future the intrest of the States to remain confederated as much as it now is, or has been. Every measure which tends to greive one member of the Union, tends to a Dissolution; for nature teaches to seek redress: And Self preservation, among Laws, is Lord paramount.
I did not mean to give it as my opinion that no more would be done to inforce the Impost; far otherwise, my Letters will shew the pains I have taken to counteract such efforts. But the tax of 1,200,000 was framed & urged by those, who had little, or no remaining hopes from an Impost, while the others consented to the measure. This I conceived at least a confessed judgment in all that the impost was a fund of remote consideration & from which no present hopes could be entertained.
Since the recommendation, or rather demand of an immediate & definitive answer of our State in regard to the Impost a motion was made in Congress to appoint a Committee to draw up a spirited address to our State on the Subject & it was suggested that the Delegates ought also to write in favour of a measure so necessary, or they would be chargeable with the consequences. The loss in Mr. Morris's Contracts for want of mony was also laid at our Door. This all together raised me to a pitch. "Mr. President, The measure now proposed is indeed very extraordinary. You have recommended the Impost; Your Financier has written frequently & largely to the State on the Subject; you have sent to the State a Deputation of two respectable members of this house to referee the measure, to which embassy you have not yet recd an answer. But three days ago you passed a resolve requiring an immediate & definitive answer on this head; Unless the present measure is calculated for downright coercion, or to overawe & terrify the little State of Rhode Island to adopt the impost against their intrest & judgment I am at a loss for its object.
"I hope, Sir, that the State I have the honor to represent, tho the least in the Union & the last to decide upon this Question, will do it with the same deliberation & independance of Spirit, uninfluenced by the determination of the others, as the largest State in the Union and the first which adopted the measure had a right to. Every State, Sir, is equally Sovereign & independant. Every State has an equal right to the advantages of the Confederation & to be bound only by their own consent. I hope we shall never sacrifice the essential object of the war as a means of supporting it. This would rather have a contrary tendancy. We have drawn our Swords in defence of a good Constitution & for the priviledge of being governed by laws of our own making. While you continue to the people these objects they will support you to the last penny in their purse & the last drop of their blood. Infringe their rights, invade the Confederation, & you can no longer assure yourself of the peoples support. I hold in my hand, Sir, a reciept of taxes from the little State I have the Honour to represent for the Month of Septr. to the amount of upwards of 4,000 Dollars which I beg leave to read.--
____This may be thought a small Sum; but examine the treasury, you will find the State has paid more than five times its avarage proportion of the monies recd. Had all the States in the Union paid in proportion Mr. Morris's loss would not have happened. His calculations were made on the tax of 8 millions constitutionally required & not on an imaginary impost. Who then is accountable for that loss?
"Gentlemen would indirectly blame us for not enforcing the Impost by letters to our State. Every necessary information has been laid before our Constituents & we confide in their wisdom & virtue, we do not wish to biass their minds by any indirect influence. In return I shall only observe that had the Delegates from other States been equally importunate with their Constituents to pay into the treasury their quota of the 8 million & equally successful with us, the loss complained of would not have happened, our treasury would have been better supplied; before therefore Gentlemen can be entitled to throw blame on us for not enforcing an unconstitutional measure it behoves them to convince the world that they have done their duty in enforcing that which is constitutional." (this part was in answer to Mr. M____n from Virginia).
I give the above as a rough Schetch of the mode of speaking to questions with us. It is a true relation & nearly in the terms in which it was spoken. After much altercation & debating the proposition more than an hour, the question was called for. I demanded the yeas & nays to bring it on the journals. The Gentlemen being convinced that it would not make a good appearance there withdrew it, and no vote was taken.(1)
Our men in the field & our monthly payment of taxes, while they continue a proof of our zeal in the common cause of our Country, are the most availing weapons to ward off the 5 per Cent and every other attack. I hope the State will continue &, if possible, increase its exertions in collecting taxes. Money must be raised. We shall borrow abroad from 5 to 6 million of Dollars, if such a Loan can be obtained. Nothing appears but what our credit is yet good in Holland & France will never desert us. I am fully impressed with the difficulties of the people in paying taxes. I have done all in my power to lessen expences & lower Salaries. You will see that I divided with Genl. Cornell about adding 20 Dollars per month to the pay of Baron Steuben, Inspector general, who then had that of a Major General.(2) I despise all General Cornells certificates of his good behaviour from Members of Congress.(3) He descended below his dignity if he had any in asking such of them & they in giving them. I have sent to the State attested copies from the journals, which I had a right to by the last clause in Art. 9 of the Confederation, to shew my Constituents the part I took on some capital Questions; if they also disclose the votes of my colleague, I am not to answer for him. If I was capable of serving a party, at my return I could obtain certificates as well as others; but I thank God for giving me a Soul to despise such proceedings altogether. You may learn from the journals & from me, what I have done; I am not a School-boy to take Letters of recommendation from my Masters. Such let those take who need them.
Genl. Cornell has to account with the State and the public, how he could accept his present office without violating the 5 Art. Confedn. I believe no private certificates can help him out of this hobble.
Mr Manning will inform you of what is agreed to be done in regard to the College affairs before this will reach you.
By the blustering of the British towards the close of this Campaign, you are to be led to expect that the war is to be carried on with renewed vigour & that all the World is about to join them. Regard not such puffing. They are tired of the war. They have as yet no assured friend to assist them. If they meant ever so seriously to make peace the ensuing winter they would throw out all these appearances.
The reigning party in the British Cabinet are against Am. Independance. The King gaggs at it as tho' it would choak him, but could other matters be adjusted in regard to a general pacification the bitter pill would be swallowed, as the nation discover a manifest reluctance against paying their money any longer to carry on a war with the professed & sole purpose of subjugating this Country.
Yours, &c. David Howell
Sir.
Our Cozen James is in the City & introduced by Captn. Anthony & others into the best Company. I am so busy that I cannot wait on him so much as I would.
You may shew this Letter to any friends as you have occasion--particularly to your Brother, Comdr Hopkins, John Jenckes, Gov. Bowen, our Deputies &c &c &c.
With best regards to Mrs. Brown & all friends, you will believe me to be, dear Sir, your sincere friend. David Howell.
P.S. You will excuse me for writing so incorrectly. My Letters are generally so long, that I copy none--And so often burnt on a second reading that they seldom have even [. . . .] D.H.
RC (RPJCB: Brown Papers).
1 Consequently there was no journal entry for this motion and debate.
2 For this July 26, 1782, vote, see JCC, 22:420.
3 For Cornell's concern over Howell's criticism of his voting record, and the "certificate" of the New York delegates concerning Cornell's congressional stance on half pay and western lands, see New York Delegates to Cornell, September ? 1782.
Return to:
Right to Keep and Bear Arms -
2006 GunShowOnTheNet.com